No. 6. Vol. V.] LONDON, FRIDAY, Feb. 8, 1822. [PRICE 6d.

TO THE REPUBLICANS OF THE ISLAND OF GREAT BRITAIN.

CITIZENS,

Dorchester Gaol, Feb. 3, Year 3, of the Spanish Revolution. BEFORE this Address will have passed through the Press, the Legislature of the Country will have commenced its session for this year. Weak and deluded minds are drawn towards this matter as into a vortex, and fancy it something important, particularly at this moment, when the distresses of the farmers are expected to change the measures of the County Meinbers, and of many of the Landholders. Whatever may be done or undone, be not you deceived, Republicans, with any false shows, or false pretences, nothing can be done effectually by the present Legislature, nothing will be attempted further than distress enforces. From a sense of general good nothing will arise or be done, and the squabbles of parties must form an amusement for us until, our day arrives, to put our shoulders to the wheel of revolution. Make yourselves as happy as you can for a short: time longer, every thing seems working to our wishes. The revolution has commenced for sometime, and is still revolving towards our views, but our duty at present is to stand by, and let our enemies exhaust themselves in their mutual struggles for power. The Republicans are now the only happy and contented body of men in the country, all else is disaffection and dispute: whilst we are working silently and rapidly to the hoped for goal. Every new incident that arises, forms matter of pleasure and joy for us, and matter of grief to our enemies, so that all we have now to do is to stand by and laugh, and watch well the struggles of our enemies, until we see a convenient opportunity to snatch the prize of contention from both-the power of legislation and government, which they seek to carry on as a matter of factious

Printed and Published by R. CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street.

power, and which we wish to invest in the nation at large, by bringing together a National Convention.

To the great body of the people the meeting of Parliament, in its present state, is altogether an unimportant matter, and not worthy of attention, further than that it may be a means of exciting useful discussion, and of still exposing the inability and disinclination of that body to do any good for the people, or to relieve any of their distresses. You will doubtless again hear much talk about sedition, and treason, and blasphemy, but you will laugh at it, as you would to hear the menaced damnation of the priest, if you deviate from supporting him. The word blasphemy is now become so familiar to our ears, that it is really a very agreeable word, and has quite changed its signification in the vocabulary, and is now synonymous with the word truth. It should stand thus in all new editions of Dictionaries or Spelling Books: Blasphemy, a word once of horrible import among bigots and fools, but now signifies a teaching of sublime truths in religion and philosophy.

Sedition and Treason may also be defined as a desire to see every man happy and living under wholesome laws and good government.

Your nerves are not again to be shaken by such words as these, from whatsoever mouth or mouths, pen or pens, they issue, your past oppressions and distresses have stimulated your minds to the acquirement of useful knowledge, and you are now capable of giving instructions to your present legislators. You will examine their deeds by their words, and ascertain the true meaning of both.

I have feit it my duty to state my view of this matter of the Parliament meeting, because I would wish you not to trouble about it, not to waste your means or your time in seeking information as to what is passing there. If any thing occurs worth your notice, I shall not fail to place it fully in your view, with such comment and information as I can send forth with it, or may think useful. I can assure you, that I feel this meeting of Parliament as a matter of indifference, and were I not a daily examiner of newspapers, I should not seek them on this account. That there will be a battle between the Land and the Fund holders is certain, but our duty is to stand by and pick up the spoils for the present, until the nation as a whole can act with advantage. Our time is not yet come. The factions have too much power at present: they must fight, and we must laugh for awhile.

The County Meetings of Agriculturists in Norfolk, in Suffolk, in Kent, in Sussex, in Huntingdonshire, in Herefordshire, in Devonshire, in Somersetshire, and various other shires sufficiently indicate what is about to be the result. Some demand Reform in Parliament, but all demand the abolition of the Funds; for the very first reduction of the interest of the Fundbolder is an abolition of the whole bubble. This the present ministers know well, and they dread the touching of the Funds, as much as they would dread going personally to put a firebrand to a powder magazine: they are therefore linking themselves fast to the Fundholders, with the same feelings as a drowning man catches at a straw. They hope to dupe the Land men by some trick, under the idea that they are not so keen in perception of the result of things, as the Jew Fundholders. The battle is quite a treat for us Republicans: our day of suffering is past, so let us laugh, be happy, and coutented, whilst our old enemies are squeaking and squalling from the distress they have brought on themselves, whilst they had hoped to have kept it all on our shoulders.

R. CARLILE.

CASE OF MARY ANN CARLILE.

WE inserted in our Second Number the petition to the King of this victim to that common abuse called Common Law. The sending of this petition to the Secretary of State for the Home Department has proved another instance of the inutility of all petitions which impeach the conduct of any of the tools of the present Government. It has not even been acknowledged as received.

In the Third Number we reviewed the conduct of the Judges of the Court of King's Bench on Mr. Cooper's reading the affidavit and moving for a trial: we have also, in a scattered manner, given an outline of the whole case, but we will now proceed to combine that outline within a small compass.

In the spring of the year 1821, Mary Ann Carlile was proceeded against by indictment by the Two Prosecuting Societies of Essex Street and Bridge Street, or the Vice Society and Constitutional Association. The former took the pamphlet entitled the "Appendix to the Theological

Works of Thomas Paine," the latter the "New Year's Address to the Reformers," by R. Carlile, her brother. That the two Societies acted in concert is evident, for as soon as she had been arrested, and had given bail upon the one case, she was immediately arrested, and called on for bail for the other: whilst that shadow of vice, spleen, and corruption, Murray, with his satellites, Sharp, Orton, and Clark, did all they could to deter and annoy her bail, and insult the Defendant.

Both cases came on for trial the same day, the 24th of July, the Vice Society's Indictment as a matter of seniority from longer establishment, took the lead, and it was here the corrupt and intemperate Best, gave a full display of his temper and disposition, in silencing and putting down the defence of a lone female. We shall merely observe on the other case in which Mr. Cooper was employed, that he not only did the part of an honest and bold advocate, but the part of an honest and moral man. From us praise shall never be wanted, when and where praise is due: but we will not praise when and where it is not acquired and deserved. It was during the second trial that the Defendant fainted, and lest it might be supposed to have been from a weakness of nerve, or a dread of the proceedings of the day, we shall state the plaiu matter of fact that occasioned the fainting. In a trial at Guildhall, in the Court of King's Bench, the Prosecutors, and all concerned for the prosecution, (save the barristers) and the Defendant and all concerned for the defence are huddled together (very improperly) in a crowded state round about a table or desk in the centre of the Court, so that scarce a whisper can pass between the parties but is heard by the opposite or contending party, nor a note written but can be overlooked. In this case the Defendant was seated by the side of Murray's son, an emaciated young man, who had an uncovered running fistula, or a foul King and Priests' Evil, in his neck, and who, together with his father, was much more adapted for a lazar house than to mingle in a crowded court to the annoyance of by-standers. Every time the Defendant's attention was drawn on the side on which this young man sat, she imbibed a nausea from his uncovered wounds, and this, by a long and frequent repetition, exhausted her powers, and at length brought on sickness and fainting. None are more disposed to pity affliction than ourselves, but we think it grossiy indecent that a person in such a state should be unnecessarily thrust forward in a

crowded assembly to the annoyance of all by-standers. That a female, not the strongest, should faint even in a crowded assembly, without any particular cause is not uncommon, but in this case it was not from any motive of fear, terror, affection, or weakness of nerve, but from the abovementioned circumstance. At the time of fainting she was certain of an acquittal from the manner in which Mr. Cooper was addressing the Jury, and from the knowledge that there were honest men on that Jury who would not send her to prison for having published so mild and inoffensive a pamphlet. The Defendant did not faint when a corrupt Judge, and a more corrupt Jury, carried the first verdict against her; neither did she faint on receiving the sentence of the court: she felt a perfect contempt for all the parties, and all they could do to her on each of those occasions.

We can give no better proof of the Defendant's virtue and resolution being sufficient to bear her up through such a prosecution, than to narrate an interview, or the particulars of a visit made to her by a gentleman, who she was informed was Mr. Lushington, the Master of the Crown Office, in the King's Bench Prison on Friday the 30th of November, the day before she was removed to Dorchester. We do not assert that this gentleman was Mr. Lushington, because we have not yet had the means of ascertaining, but it seems almost sufficient that we say, he was attended to the rooms and waited for by a turnkey from the gate, which is quite unusual with an ordinary and indifferent visitor; and a woman, who was confined in the same room, asserted, that he was the Master of the Crown Office; whom she had seen regularly inspecting the prison in his official capacity and appointment as inspector from the Court of King's Bench. The turnkey, when subsequently asked, would not answer, but smiled assent.

This Gentleman, be he who he will, entered her room ou the morning before she was removed, and introduced himself by enquiring for her father, and when told that she had no father, but a brother, he said he meant brother, and knew him very well. But little was said at this interview, and he left the room for a quarter of an hour, or somewhere there about, he had a gentleman with him who said nothing on the first interview, and he returned again with another different gentleman, and entered again into conversation, pretending that he came as a friend, and thought he could extricate her from the unpleasant situation in which she was then placed, if she would send in a petition to the Go