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That country is the greatest importer of coffee, which has free entry to its markets;
Article 6 of law No. 1144 of December 30, 1903, added to article 18 of law No. 1452 of December 30, 1905, authorizes the Government to adopt a differential tariff for one or more articles of foreign production as a compensation for concessions made to articles of Brazilian production;
ARTICLE 1. During the current year, and from the 1st of July next until the 31st of December, the following articles of the produce of the United States of North America shall enjoy a reduction of 20 per cent in import duties on the entry into Brazil: Flour; condensed milk; rubber manufactures of article 1023 of the tariff ; clocks and watches; inks mentioned in article 173 of the tariff, except writing inks; varnishes; typewriters; refrigerators; pianos; scales ; windmills.
ART. 2. The decrees to the contrary are hereby revoked.
FRANCISCO DE PAULA RODRIGUES ALVES.
Ambassador Griscom to the Secretary of State. No. 15.]
Petropolis, August 17, 1906. Sir: Referring to my dispatch No. 13 of July 14 last, transmitting a translation of an executive decree whereby certain American articles were granted a 20 per cent reduction in the Brazilian customs duties until December 31 next, I have the honor to advise the department, as of considerable importance to our merchants and exporters, that, according to article 173 of the Brazilian tariff now in force, fine paints and also paints for house painting and similar uses are included under the heading “ Inks ” mentioned in the decree as one of the articles entitled to the reduction. I have, etc.,
LLOYD C. GRISCOM.
Ambassador Griscom to the Secretary of State.
PETROPOLIS, October 23, 1906. (Reports that he is informed by the minister of finance and leader of the Chamber of Deputies that the Brazilian tariff law will not be altered during the Congress now in session. It is intended to postpone for a year the consideration of the tariff already begun.)
Acting Secretary Bacon to the American Embassy at Petropolis.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, November 14, 1906. (States that it is reported by flour shippers that satisfactory trade has resulted from preferential reduction, but that they are advised from Brazil that a heavy increase in the duty on flour is contemplated, to become effective January 1 next. Says that department assumes that this can not be true, in view of his telegram of the 23d ultimo, and asks what the chances are for a renewal for next year of the existing preferential list, with some imported products added.)
Ambassador Griscom to the Secretary of State.
PETROPOLIS, November 15, 1906. (Reports that he has been assured that the present tariff, including duty on flour, will not be altered by this Congress, which expires December 31, and says that the existing preferential list is almost certain to be continued for next year.)
THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND BRAZIL. HISTORICAL REVIEW BY A BRAZILIAN AUTHOR.
Ambassador Griscom to the Secretary of State. No. 19.]
Petropolis, August 27, 1906. Sir: I have the honor to inclose herewith a copy of a paper on “ Brazil, the United States and Monroeism," rumored to have been written by Baron Rio Branco, Brazilian minister for foreign affairs, under the nom de plume of J. Penn. A translation by the secretary of this embassy is also inclosed. I have, etc.,
BRAZIL, THE UNITED STATES AND MONROEISM,
The manifestations of reciprocal appreciation and friendship between the Governments of Rio de Janeiro and Washington have been censured during the last years, sometimes with a good deal of injustice and passion by some rare Brazilian newspapers who believe themselves to be the real interpreters and propagandists of the political thoughts of imperial statesmen.
These censors have considered bad the greater drawing together which Presidents Rodrigues Alves and Theodore Roosevelt have promoted between Brazil and the United States. They have shown themselves on various occasions ungratefully disdainful of the Monroe doctrine and consider impracticable the resolution taken simultaneously by both Governments to raise the grade of their respective diplomatic representatives.
The documents which we are now going to produce or to summarize will show that President Rodrigues Alves was right to say in his last message to Congress :
“I see with great satisfaction that the relations of cordial friendship between Brazil and the United States of America are becoming more and more close. In concurring to that end I have done more than follow the policy selected since 1822 by the founders of our independence and invariably followed by all the governments which Brazil has had."
The manifesto of the Prince Regent of Brazil to friendly governments and nations bears the date of August 6, 1822. That document as is known was drafted by José Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, then minister of the Brazilian Empire and for foreign affairs.
From the last part we detach this extract:
“My firm resolution and that of the people I govern are legitimately promulgated. I therefore hope that the wise and impartial men of the whole world and
governments and nations friendly to Brazil will see the justice of such true and wise sentiments. I invite them to continue with the Empire of Brazil the same relations of material interest and friendship. I shall be ready to receive their ministers and diplomatic agents and send them mine, as long as may last the captivity of the King, my august father.
Six days later, on the 12th of August, the Prince Regent, D. Pedro, signed the decree appointing a chargé d'affaires of the Kingdom of Brazil in the United States of America and on the following day left for São Paulo, where on the 7th of September he proclaimed the independence of Brazil.
This decree, countersigned by José Bonifacio is, nevertheless, prior to the date of the independence and the proclamation of the empire, which was only effected on the 12th of October of the same year.
The decree in full reads as follows:
“As it is indispensable in the actual political circumstances to appoint a person who in my royal name may treat directly with the United States of America concerning affairs which may occur between both countries, and taking into consideration the recognized ability, patriotism, and zeal of Luis Moutinho Lima, clerk of the department of state for foreign affairs, I have seen fit to appoint him to exercise the position of my chargé d'affaires near the same United States of America, with the annual salary of Rs. 2,400,000.
“José Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, of my council of state and of the council of His Most Faithful Majesty, minister and secretary of state for the kingdom and for foreign affairs, will so understand it and in consequence will cause the necessary documents to be issued.
Palace of Rio de Janeiro, August 12, 1822 (with the seal of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent), José Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva.”
This was the first diplomatie appointment signed by the Prince Regent, D. Pedro, on the advice of José Bonifacio. Later on the same day the decrees appointing the other two chargés d'affaires were signed: For London and Paris. Before these only one other appointment had been made: For consul at Buenos Aires on May 24.
On January 15, 1823, Antonio Conçalvez da Cruz, who had been prominent in the Pernambuco revolution of 1819, was appointed consul-general in the United States of America. The form of the decree is different from the pre ceding ones.
“José Bonifacio, etc.
" Palace of Rio de Janeiro, January 15, 1823, second of the independence and of the empire.”
Louiz Moutinho was not able to leave in 1822 for the United States as he was detained by extraordinary work in the department of foreign affairs, where shortly afterwards he was promoted to be chief clerk of director-general.
By decree of January 21, 1824, José Silvestre Rebello was appointed chargé d'affaires of Brazil in the United States of America and he was the first diplomatic representative that we have effectively had in that country.
On the 28th of March he landed at Baltimore and on April 3 arrived at Washington. The President was James Monroe, who, in his last message read to Congress on December 3 of the previous year had affirmed the purpose of the American Government to oppose European conquests on our continent. John Quincy Adams, his successor as President, one year later on March 4, 1825, held the position of Secretary of State or Minister for Foreign Affairs.
On April 5, 1824, Rebello wrote to Adams requesting an audience to present his letters of credence, signed by the illustrious Bahian José da Carvalho e Mello, later Vicount of Bachoeira, then minister and secretary of state for foreign affairs of Brazil. The interviews and conferences between both then began. On April 20 Rebello handed to Adams a memorandum with this heading: “Succinct and true ex position of the facts that lead the Prince, now Emperor, and the Brazilian people to declare Brazil a free and independent nation."
On the 26th of the same year, Rebello was presented to President Monroe by Adams and was thus accredited as chargé d'affaires of Brazil.
On the following day the “Daily National Intelligence,” of Washington, No. 5454, mentioned the event as follows:
“Mr. José Silvestre Rebello was yesterday presented by Mr. Adams, Secretary of State (to whom he had already presented his letter of credence), to the President of the United States as chargé d'affaires of the Emperor of Brazil and was received and recognized in that capacity by the President."
By a dispatch of May 26, Rebello informed Carvahho e Mello of this event, ending his communication with these words:
“ The Empire of Brazil was therefore recognized by this Government on the 59th day after I landed at Baltimore. I present my compliments to Your Excellency.”
And in another, of May 3, he said :
“I hope that these dispatches will have arrived, at any rate, to take advantage once more of the occasion, I inform Your Excellency that this Government recognized the independence and the Empire of Brazil on the 26th instant, when I was presented to the President as chargé d'affaires of His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil with the same formalities as are received the representatives of other sovereigns. I therefore present my compliments to Your Excellency and beg Your Excellency to salute His Majesty the Emperor for such a happy occurrence."
The illustrious author of the well-known book " Illusão Americana " therefore badly informed, when in 1893 he wrote these lines:
“On the occasion of the independence of Brazil, we did not receive a single proof of good will from the Americans, and only after other countries had recognized the emancipation of Brazil, did the United States recognize our autonomy."
The Government of the United States of America was the first Government to recognize the independence and Empire of Brazil, and the only one which did so before Portugal did so by the treaty concluded in Rio de Janeiro on August 29, 1824.
Pereiro Pinto has already said in his book (1865):
“ The American Union was the first power to recognize the independence of Brazil. While Great Britain was leaning on one side, in favor of our emancipation by its commercial needs, by its liberal system of government, and by its tenacious aspiration to abolish the slave traffic, it wavered on the other hand in this duty by the deferences which it was obliged to show to its old and always faithful ally, Portugal; as to Austria, bound by very narrow ties to the founder of the Empire, it was even more bound to the compromises of the holy alliance, which looked with threatening glances on the independence of American countries. The United States, in consequence of the enlightened policy which they had adopted with reference to all the people who in America had separated from the mother country and has established themselves in a regular manner, stretched out a brotherly hand to us and invited us to take a seat in the great congress of the nations of the globe. We offered up, therefore, at that moment a prayer of gratitude to that people, the most powerful nation of the New World.
Which was the country on our continent which first recognized the alreadymentioned Monroe doctrine?
We can answer without hesitation--the Government of Brazil.
The last message of President James Monroe, as we have already mentioned, bears the date of December 3, 1823. Fifty-nine days later, on January 31, 1824, our minister for foreign affairs, Carvalho e Mello, signed the instructions of the Imperial Government for the chargé d'affaires of Brazil.
In paragraph 6 of this interesting document we read the following:
“Now, if the United States of America, by nature of private reasons, should recognize the independence of the Empire of Brazil, as is probable, much more should be expected of that great nation when it is taken into consideration that its very interest are in accord with the known principles of its government and its policy.
Such, then, are the principles of the policy of those states which by themselves would be enough to hasten our recognition. These principles have now in the message of the President of both houses, in December last, a more special application for all the states of this continent, as in that message the necessity of uniting and fighting for the defense of our rights and our territories."
And in paragraph 15:
“ You will sound the feelings of that Government as to an offensive and defensive alliance with this Empire as a part of the American continent, on the condition that such alliance does not have as a base any concession from either side, other than those which result from the general principle of mutual convenience resulting from such an alliance.”
Thus Brazil, from the first days of the revolution which separated it from its mother country, considered it a particular duty to politically approach the United States of America, then adhered to the Monroe doctrine, and was almost able to conclude, on the basis of that doctrine, an offensive and defensive alliance with the “great nation of the north," as even then the leaders of Brazilian independence called it.
The Imperial Government continued to work for the policy of closer relations and for the establishment of an alliance between the two countries. It also commenced to desire as early as 1824, and to find convenient and important for them, to give a higher character to their mutual diplomatic representatives.
In a dispatch of September 15, 1824, Carvalho e Mello said to our representative in Washington :
“Certainly the nations of that hemisphere (those of Europe) will not cease trying to prevent and to cry down a union and alliance which we may make with the Government of the United States, thus forming a totally American policy, which will make them beware of the results which may spring therefrom. On account of this His Imperial Majesty desires your honor to suggest to that Government to give a grade of minister plenipotentiary, with the resulting powers, to Mr. Condy Raguet, who is already here, or to any other person, a measure which will help to confirm the recognition. His Imperial Majesty also charges your honor to propose an alliance for the purpose of conserving and strengthening the liberty of American powers. Your honor will for the present limit yourself to learn the conditions under which those States may desire to take an active part in such an alliance and give an account as soon as possible by the adopted channels of what in that respect may be said to you. In this respect I refer you to the instructions which were given you, recalling the speech of the President of the United States there mentioned (the Monroe message of 1823) in which the same President clearly states that those States will not permit the mother countries to make efforts to regain their ex-colonies and in addition, will not permit the intervention of other powers, a principle which has been admitted by the British Government
On the 28th of January of 1825 the same minister wrote:
“I have received the order from His Majesty, the Emperor, to recommend to your bonor to make all possible efforts to persuade that Government of the necessity of making an offensive and defensive alliance with the Brazilian Government as soon as possible. Your honor will always bear in mind what was instructed you in this respect, as much in your instructions as principally in my dispatch of September 15 last. You honor must nevertheless understand that in the negotiations nothing must be definitely decided, leaving everything ad referendum, so that the Imperial Government may never be obliged, neither by civility nor condescension, but may deliberate with perfect liberty, what it considers just."
And he added on the 14th of May of the same year 1825 :
“I have received and have brought to the presence of His Majesty, the Emperor, the dispatch No. 14, which your honor sent me under date of January 26 of the current year, and the same gentleman saw what you had accomplished to have a diplomat named at this court, and as much through what your honor states as by the reading of an American newspaper which appeared here at a date previous to that of your dispatch, it is seen that Condy Raguet was in fact appointed with the grade of chargé d'affaires; the reason therefore was because your honor holds the same rank. Nevertheless your honor will insist with polite and solid reasons that a minister plenipotentiary be appointed not only out of a consideration for the dignity of the Empire, but also because there have already been American ministers of that class here. Your honor should not cease to insinuate that it is for that Government to first appoint a person of that category, as it has recognized the Empire and that is a consequence of such recognition. Your honor will also assure that Government that His Majesty, the Emperor, will in that case immediately appoint a person of the same rank.”
“As to the prospects of a treaty of alliance, you should proceed in conformity with your instructions and former dispatches, and it is my duty, in view of the action of your honor in that respect, to tell you that it did not please His Majesty, the Emperor, that your honor proposed the idea to include the other States which were formed from Spanish colonies, about which nothing has been