branches spread so far as the Massachusetts Coloney, Virginia, Maryland, and all that are in friendship with us and do live in peace, unity, and tranquility, under the shade of said tree.-Mass. Archives, XXX, p. 303, cited in Frothingham.

Governor Treat, of Connecticut, wrote to Governor Bradstreet, July 31, 1689, in part, as follows:

I hope we shall be willing in the season of it, to revive the ancient confederation upon just terms and articles, holding forth a right consideration of our state compared with the other colonies. Frothingham, Rise of the U. S. Republic, p. 87,

note.

diers to discountenance & Punish Vice & as much as may be to Keep ye Sabbath and Maintain ye Worship of God.

JACOB LEISLER.
WILLIAM STOUGHTON.
SAMI. SEWELL.
P. D. LANCY.
JOHN WALLEY.
NATHAN GOLD.
WILLIAM PETKIN.

-Massachusetts Archives, XXXVI, 47.

Leisler in a letter to the governments of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island, attempting to secure additional aid, said:

I hope you will not be wanting so blessed a work at this time to please God and our gracious king. Losing the opportunity and neglecting the season may cause the next gen. eration to curse us.-Frothingham, p. 93.

Though the French colony contains, perhaps, not 30000 men capable to bear arms; yet these are all under the despotic command and sole direction of their Governor-General, The strength of our colonies, on the other hand, is divided, and the concurrence of all necessary both for supplies of men and money. Jealous they are of each other; some ill constituted; others shaken with intestine divisions, and if I may be allowed the expression, parsimonious even to prodigality. Our assemblies are diffident of their Governors; Governors despise their assemblies, and both mutually misrepresent each other to the court of Great Britain. Military measures demand secrecy and dispatch; but while the colonies remain divided, and nothing can be transacted but with their universal assent, it is impossible to maintain the one or proceed with the other. Without a general constitution for warlike operations, we can neither plan nor execute. We have a common interest, and must have a common council; one head and one purse. [An extract from a letter supposed to have been written by Gov. Livingston of New York, and his friends Messrs. W. Smith and Scott, 1756.]-Massachusetts Hist. Society Col., series I, vol. VII, pp. 161–62.

Mr. Nelson's memorial about the state of the northern colonies in America:

24 Sept: 1696.

Fifthly I am now to make another remark upon the principall, and greatest defect and mistake, in which we have been, and are yet under, I meane the number and independ ency of so many small Governments, whereby our strength is not only divided and weakened, but by reason of their severall interests, are become and doe in a manner esteeme each as foreigners the one unto the other, soe that whatever mischiefs doth happen in one part, the rest by the reason of this disunion remaine unconcerned and our strength thereby weakened; whereas were the Colonies of New England, Hampshire, Road Island, Conecticot, New York joined inone, we then should be near to [ten?] or 15 for one of those of the French in Canada, and might reasonably propose to make an entire conquest of that place. -New York Colonial Records, vol. IV, p. 209.

1st. That the Severall colonies before mentioned do meet once a year, and oftener if need be, during the war, and at least once in two years in times of peace, by their stated and appointed deputies, to debate and resolve . . [on measures for public good.]

2. That in order to it two persons well qualified for sence sobriety and substance be appointed by each Province, as their Representatives . . . [in Congress].

3. That the Kings Commissioner for that purpose specially appointed shall have the Chaire and preside in the said Congresse.

4. [Central meeting place.]

5. [Suggests governor of New York as King's Commismissioner.]

6. That their business shall be to hear and adjust all matters of Complaint or difference between Province and Province. As 1st where persons quit their own Province and goe to another, that they may avoid their just debts 2d where offenders fly justice,

3dly to prevent or cure injuries in point of commerce, 4th, to consider of ways and means to support the union and safety of these Provinces against the publick enemies In which Congresse the Quotas of men and charges will be much easier, and more equally sett, than it is possible for any establishment made here to do; for the Provinces, knowing their own condition and one anothers, can debate that matter with more freedome, and satisfaction and better adjust and ballance their affairs in all respects for their common safty. 7ly That in times of war the Kings High Commissionr shall be generall or Chief Commander -New York Colonial Documents, vol. IV, p. 296.

.

From the scheme of Gov. Livingston, recommended to the Lords of Trade, May 13, 1701:

To settle the American Governments to the greatest possible advantage, it will be necessary to reduce the number of them; in some places to unite and consolidate; in others to separate and transfer; and in general to divide by natural boundaries instead of imaginary lines. If there should be but one form of government established for the NorthAmerican provinces, it would greatly facilitate the reformation of them. A nobility appointed by the king for life and made independent, would probably give strength and stability to American governments as effectually as hereditary nobility does to that of Great Britain.-Cited in Frothingham, p. 117.

Shirley says in a letter dated Oct. 21, 1754, to Governor Morris, newly appointed governor of Pennsylvania:

The best advice I can give you is to lose no time for promoting the plan of a union of the colonies for their mutual

defence, to be concerted at home, and established by act of Parliament as soon as possible I am laboring this point totis viribis.-Ibid, p. 146.

Daniel Coxe, 1722, proposed that all the British colonies be

united under a legal, regular, and firm establishment, over which a lieutenant or supreme governor should be constituted and appointed to preside on the spot, to whom the governors of each colony should be subordinate; .. that

two deputies should be annually elected by the council and assembly of each province, who are to be in the nature of a great council or general convention of the states of the colonies [to fix on quotas of men and money which] should be levied and raised by its own assembly in such manner as they should judge most easy and convenient.-Cited by Frothingham, p. 113.

About 1725, when a proposal had been made by the Massachusetts assembly for a convention of all the colonies, it was pronounced by the Board of Trade as "a mutinous proposal."Hutchinson's History of Mass., vol. III, p. 119.

The following extracts give us an insight into the conditions from the standpoint of the colonial governors:

Reasons why this great undertaking of building of New Forts &c extending the English settlements into the Indian country is not effected as begun by this Province alone.

6thly. We have late experience how ineffectual Her Majesty's circular letters in the late war did prove, appointing the several Governors to send Commissioners to New York to agree upon certain quotas of men, and for a supply of money, and tho' the Governors of Virginia and Maryland did prevail with their people to assist us with some money, yet could not prevail with them to send any men; some of the commissioners came others came not; those that came refused to act without the rest, and gave reason enough to believe they were fond of the opportunity of that colour, by various excuses, doubts, fears and jealousies; so parted doing nothing.-New York Colonial Documents, vol. IV, 873.

To carry on this design of extending the Christian settlements and English forts into the Indian country for the security of all His Majesty's Plantations on this North Continent of America ;—

I humbly begg leave to propose that it is best to be done in time of peace with France. 1st That one form of gov ernment be establish'd in all the neighbouring colonies on this main continent.

That they be divided into three distinct governments-towit.

That Virginia and Maryland be annexed to South and North Carolina.

That some part of Connecticut, New York, East and West Jersey, Pennsylvania and New Castle be added together.

And that to Massachusetts be added New Hampshire and Rhoad Island and the rest of Connecticut.-Ibid, p. 874.

The degree of union is well illustrated by the following extract from a letter of Gov. Fletcher:

Our neighbours on the Right and left sitt at ease, they govern by theire own Fancies, Connecticutt full of people keep up a Comonwealth Power, oppress the better sort who dissent from them but will not send a man or sixpence to our relief.

And from that Collony I could march up men dry foot to Repell our Enemies, from hence we have a voyage of fifty leagues to Albany, In my absence the Councill here writ to all the neighbouring Collonies for men or money, the Republick of Connecticutt quarrell att the Superscription of the Councills letter for want of theire proper Title.—Ibid.

From Pensilvania they say they have nothing to send us but theire good wishes. East Jersey has sent us £248 and promiss to make itt £400 those remoter Collonies I have not yet heard from. Nothing in my sight but an addition of Connecticutt and some other Colonys can support us by paying equall duties to the Crown, the Acts of Navigation are wholy violated by these out lyers.

I send this to Boston in hopes of a passage from thence if Sr William Phips do not intecept it.-New York Colonial Documents, vol. IV, p. 13.

The governor of New York writes as follows of the conditions in America:

Notwithstanding their Majst Lettrs Mandatorie to the sev. eral governments to assist this Province little or no assistance had been given or can be hoped for through the remoteness of some Governments and Excuses and delays of others.

That Pensilvania being most Quakers will give no men or money for warr unless they were joined to the Government of New York, by which that Province may be able to outvote them.

That this Province lying under heavy Taxes and Pressures, most of the young men and those that can in any way remove, depart this Province to the neighbouring Government where they are wholly free from Tax or any other Contrybution towards the Common Security.-Ibid, p. 53.

A NEW STAGE-THE ALBANY CONGRESS- INSTRUC TIONS TO COMMISSIONERS.

William Shirley, Esq. Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over his Majesty's Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England,

To Samuel Welles, John Chandler, Thomas Hutchinson, Oliver Partridge, and John Worthington Esq'rs Greeting. Whereas, in pursuance of letters from the right honorable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and the Plantations,

a General Convention of Commissioners for their respective Governments is appointed to be held at the city of Albany in the month of June next [1754] for holding an interview with the Indians of the Five Nations and making them presents on the part of said Governments usual upon such occasions, in order to confirm and establish their ancient attachment to his Majesty and their constant friendship to his Majesty's subjects on this continent; and whereas

the Great and General Court or assembly of the Province of Massachusetts Bay aforesaid, have elected and appointed you to represent and appear for said Province at the Convention aforesaid for the purposes abovementioned; as also for entering into articles of Union and Confederation with the aforesaid Governments for the general defence of his Majesty's subjects and interests in North America, as well in time of peace as of war:

Now I do, by these presents, empower and commissionate you, the said Samuel Wells, John Chandler, Thomas Hutchinson, Oliver Partridge, and John Worthington, as Commissioners (or any three of you) to appear for and represent the Province of Massachusetts Bay aforesaid.

Given under my hand and the public seal of the Province of Massachusetts Bay aforesaid, the nineteenth day of April, 1754, in the twenty seventh year of his Majesty's reign. W. SHIRLEY.

By his Excellency's command:
J. WILLARD, Secretary.
A true copy.

Similar instructions were given to the commissioners from the other provinces.-Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. V, 3d series, p. 9.

It was proposed by the Governor, that to avoid all disputes about the precedency of the colonies; they should be named in the minutes according to their situation from north to south; which was agreed to.-Ibid, p. 26.

A motion was made that the Commissioners deliver their opinion whether a Union of all the Colonies is not at present absolutely necessary to their security and defence. The question was accordingly put, and it was decided in the affirmative unanimously. Which proposal the Board determined to proceed upon after they had considered some method of effecting the Union between the Colonies.—Ibid. Pp. 27-28.

After debates held on the plan of a Union, it was moved if the Board should proceed to form the plan of a Union of the Colonies, [it ought] to be established by an Act of Parliament.-Ibid, p. 39.

That the said Colonies being in a divided disunited, state, there has never been any joint exertion of their force or counsels to repel or defeat the measures of the French, and particular Colonies are unable and unwilling to maintain the cause of the whole.-Ibid, p. 67.

It is proposed that humble application be made for an Act of parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said Act, as hereinafter follows.

That the said general government be administered by a President-General, to be appointed and supported by the

That the assent of the President-General be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council, and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution.

That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any colony, without the consent of the Legislature.

That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts or taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and just (considering the abil ity and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies), and such as may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burdens.

That laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England, and shall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as soon as may be after their passing, and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force.

And all civil officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council, and to receive the President-General's approbation before they officiate.-Ib., pp. 70-73.

Franklin, in 1789, speaks of the results of the rejection of the Albany plan of union of 1754 as follows:

On reflection, it now seems probable that, if the foregoing plan, or something like it had been adopted and carried into execution, the subsequent separation of the colonies from the Mother-country might not so soon have happened, nor the mischiefs suffered on both sides have occurred, perhaps, during another century. For the colonies, if so united, would have really been, as they then thought themselves, sufficient to their own defence,-and being trusted with it, as by the plan, an army from Britain for that purpose, would have been unnecessary. The pretenses for framing the Stamp Act would then not have existed, nor the other

projects for drawing a revenue from America to Britain by acts of parliament, which were the cause of the breach, and attended with such terrible expense of blood and treasure, so that the different parts of the empire might still have remained in peace and union. But the fate of this plan was singular. After many days' thorough discussion of all its parts, in Congress, it was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be sent to the assembly of each province for concurrence, and one to the ministry in England for approbation of the crown.

The crown disapproved it, as having too much weight in the democratic part of the constitution, and every assembly as having allowed too much to prerogative; so it was totally rejected.—Cited in Frothingham, p. 149.

Nothing can exceed the jealousy and emulation which they possess in regard to each other. The inhabitants of Pennsylvania and New York have an inexhaustible source of animosity in their jealousy for the trade of the Jerseys. Massachusetts Bay and Rhode Island are not less interested in that of Connecticut were they left to themselves, there would soon be a civil war from one end of the continent to the other.-Ib., p. 152.

The circular to the various colonies, prepared by the legislature of Massachusetts, calling for a congress of the colonies, dated July 8, 1765, reads as follows:

SIR,-The House of Representatives of this province, in the present session of General Court. have unanimously agreed to propose a meeting of committees from the houses of representatives or burgesses of the several British colonies on this continent, [give reasons] and to con sider of a general and united their condition.

representation of -Niles, Principles and Acts of

the American Revolution, p. 156.

In organizing the Congress Oct 7, 1765, it was decided that the committee of each colony shall have one voice (vote) only in determining any question that shall rise in the congress.-lb., 162. The congress

Wednesday, Oct. 9th, 1765, A. M.— resumed the consideration of the rights and privileges of the British American colonists, &c. -Ib., 162. The Congress

Thursday, Oct. 24, 1765, A. M.— took into consideration the manner in which their several petitions should be preferred and solicited in Great Britain, and thereupon came to the following determination, viz:

It is recommended by the Congress to the several colonies to appoint special agents for soliciting relief from their present grievances, and to unite their utmost interests and endeavors for that purpose.-Ib., 168.

One stanza of a "song sung at Boston, in New
England," 1765, entitled "Advice from the
Country," is of interest in this connection:
With us of the woods

Lay aside your fine goods,
Contentment depends not on fine clothes:
We hear, smell and see,

Taste and feel with high glee,

And in winter have huts for repose.

In 1766 an article appears signed "A British American."-Frothingham, 194.

Sam. Adams, Sept. 16, 1771, writes in the "Boston Gazette":

I have often thought that in this time of common distress, it would be the wisdom of the colonists more frequently to correspond with and to be more attentive to the particular circumstances of each other. . . . The colonists form one political body of which each is a member. ... The liberties of the whole are invaded; it is therefore the interest of the whole to support each individual with all their weight and influence.-Frothingham, p. 263.

In the House of Burgesses in Virginia, March, 1773. And whereas the affairs of the colony are frequently connected with those of Great Britain, as well as the neighboring colonies... therefore Be it resolved, that a standing committee of [11 including Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson] be appointed . . whose business it shall be to obtain [information concerning acts of British government] and to keep up and maintain a correspondence

with her sister colonies. . . . Resolved, that the speaker of this House do transmit to the speakers of the different assemblies copies of the said resolutions and request them to appoint some person or persons to communicate from time to time with the said committee. Cited in Frothingham, pp. 280–81.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country

QUESTIONS.

66

1. Why were Mr. Coddington and Mr. Brereton not to be communicated with by the governor of Massachusetts? 2. What does it prove in regard to union? 3. What colony made the first movement toward confederation? 4. Name the provinces in New England, 1640. 5. Who were magistrates? 6. Who were deputies? 7. Name reasons for union in 1643. 8. Who was Bradford? 9. Who was Winthrop? 10. Did the colonies have the right to form the confederation? 11. Do you find any evidences of jealousy among the colonies? 12. What were the terms of union? 13. Were they just? 14. What qualification for being a "commissioner"? 15. What provisions in our present constitution can you find in the confederacy of 1643? 16. Did the English government approve of the confederacy? 17. What claims did the colonists make in regard to the benefits of the confederation? 18. Why did the English "commissions" dislike the use of the words state, commonwealth, etc., by the colonists? 19. Were the English commissions and the colonists on good terms? Why? 20. Was Jacob Leisler for union? 21. How did the Indian feel about unity? 22. What did Governor Treat mean by the "ancient confederation"? 23. Under what name do you find Massachusetts sometimes spoken of? 24. Was Jacob Leisler an educated man? 25. Name the various times when there was a union more or less perfect. 26. Which were most numerous in America, the English or the French? 27. Why did the French get possession of so large a part of America, about 1750? 28. Name the reasons given by Gov. Livingston. 29. What remedy was proposed for the weakness of the English? 30. Can you see that union was wished for different purposes? 31. Why did the English wish to unite the colonies? 32. Why did the colonies desire to form a union? 33. Name the means the party of the "preroga tive, the English party, proposed to bring about unity. 34. Do you approve of Mr. Penn's plan of union? 35. Which the better, his, or that of Governor Livingston, 1701? 36. Name the various persons who proposed plans of union. 37. Who were the greatest among them? 38. How did the Board of Trade like conventions? 39. Why did Governor Fletcher not expect any help from Pennsylvania? Trace the steps that led to the Albany congress. 41. Why were the colonies named in order from north to south? 42. How are they ordinarily named now? 43. Who authorized the union? 44. Name the points in the plan of Franklin for a union, 1754. 45. Why were these articles of confedation rejected by the colonies? by England? 46. Compare this plan with that of 1643. 47. Which the better? 48. Importance of the word American as used about 1766. 49. Why did the colonies desire to unite about 1765? 50. Write all you can on the significance of the phrase “A BritishAmerican." 51. What were the committees of correspondence? 52. In what states was the idea of having them conceived? 53. How did Patrick Henry regard union? 54. What kind of union was possible? 55. Write an essay trac ing the growth of the idea of union. 56. How is the poetry connected with the topic of union? H. W. CALDWELL, University of Nebraska.

40.

night to electric lights, a police system, and municipal supervision of one's food and drink. It is further evident that municipalization is more advanced in Great Britain and continental Europe than in the United States.