WAGE SCALES INCREASED.

It is impossible to present a resumé of the increases in the scales of our locals so as to show clearly the gain by each one. Suffice it to say that they vary from one-half cent per 1,000 ems to $8 per week, or, conservatively estimated, from 2 to 75 per cent. Several newly-formed unions have not only greatly increased the wages of their members, but have at the same time reduced their working hours six per week. The older locals have made smaller gains, but their progress is substantial and encouraging.

The instances in which the wages of jobmen, hand compositors, proofreaders, floormen, admen and machine operators have been increased since January 1, 1904, are given below:

Scale.

Hand. Machine.

PREVAILING WAGE SCALES.

International law prevents the use of the label in the jurisdiction of a local having a scale which in any particular falls below $10 per week of fiftyfour hours. This has done away with scales below the legal limit on this side of the Canadian line. Those appearing in the completed report apply to new unions, which have not had time to materially improve conditions since their organization. While the Canadian scales seem in some instances lower than the figures just given, they are not so in reality, because of the difference in the cost of living and prevailing conditions.

The wages reported can, therefore, be said to vary in proportion to the cost of living, the strength of the union, and local environments. In many cities machine operators are favored with higher wages and shorter hours than other employes. The tendency to place all time employes on the same basis is mentioned in another paragraph.

Scales for proofreaders, floormen and admen were not reported by a large number of unions. This does not mean that persons employed in such capacities are not under the control of the union. On the contrary, proofreaders, floormen and admen are not permitted to work longer hours nor for less wages than hand compositors, even though the local scale makes no specific mention of them, and the number of cities where their wages and hours are on a par with those of operators is steadily increasing. The movement toward the same scale for all composing room employes on time work continues with marked success.

It must be remembered that the wage scales presented in the report are the minimum scales in each instance, and that a large number of members of the union receive more than the scale for their services.

DIFFERENTIAL MACHINE SCALES.

The continued rapid introduction of Monotype and the use of Simplex machines necessitated the collection of special information regarding them. Each local was, therefore, requested to make a specific report in case a lower scale prevailed for either of the machines named. The secretary-treasurer has made an effort, by means of footnotes, to show this difference, where any exists. The machine scales of those unions to which no special reference is made apply to Linotype machines-the only kind in the jurisdiction of the reporting union. Monotype machines are in use in fifty-nine of the cities represented in the report, as against twenty-six in January, 1904. In thirty-seven places they are in union offices. In the jurisdiction of thirty unions the same scale applies to all kinds of machines. Three of that number stipulate longer hours for members employed on the Monotype machine than for Linotype operators. Four locals have a different scale, and three have not made a scale for the Monotype, owing to its recent introduction. That Monotype machines are found in non-union offices in twenty-two cities is a matter of import. This machine, judged by its rapid adoption in the past year, will be much used in book and job offices. Locals should therefore exert every influence to the end that all machines of this or other character in their jurisdiction be operated and cared for by members of the union.

In the statement of January, 1904, Simplex machines were reported in use in 148 cities. They are now in operation in the jurisdiction of 137 local unions. Of this number, forty-two unions have the same scale for all machine operators. Twenty-one locals report a scale for Simplex machines alonethe only kind in use in the cities they control. A lower scale for these machines is provided by thirty-nine unions; one has no schedule for them; one reports that the operators receive a special piece scale, while thirty-three locals indicate them to be in non-union offices. It is noted that in a majority of instances the working hours of Simplex operators are reported as exceeding fortyeight per week, while the hours of labor of oper ators on other machines do not average more than forty-eight.

Secretary Bramwood again claims there is no valid reason for a differential scale for machines, and it should not exist. The International Union is on record as favoring a flat schedule for all time employes in composing rooms. This should be borne in mind by the locals now having the differential scales for the various machines, and at the proper time the defect should be remedied. Again, it appears that a very few locals have been lax in their regulations governing machines requiring two persons to complete the output. Our laws require machine operators, tenders, etc., to be journeymen members of the local union, and specifically cover the question of apprentices working on machines. These laws are for the protection of the craft, and a close adherence to them on the part of the locals to which these remarks apply will tend to prevent trouble in the future.

SCALES CONSTANTLY CHANGING. There being no general date for the expiration of contracts throughout the jurisdiction of the International Typographical Union, local wage scales are constantly changing. Local agreements fix the term of a labor contract, and in most instances the newspaper and book and job schedules expire at different times. The scales presented in the pamphlet are those reported as prevailing up to March 1, 1905. Since the book containing the tabulated reports was sent to press a few of our locals have obtained increases in wages, while others have secured concessions in the form of shorter hours for book and job employes. These changes will be noted in the "What We Are Doing" column of THE JOURnal. A number of unions are at present conducting negotiations for a new wage scale.

THE LABEL, A PRICELESS EMBLEM.

The label is nothing less than the rock of unionism. It is the priceless emblem of organized wage earners. In fact it is their refuge, their citadel. It is the one means we have to evidence the prod uct of union men. Its importance is everywhere manifest. The trade unionist who does not insist upon the label being upon that which he purchases fails in the work of advancing the interests of his craft, and may be considered recreant to the principles which have become paramount in not only our own organization, but in every union of wage earners. What the password is to a secret society member, the label is as the symbol of unionism. Union men and women can promote its influence, can make it a potent factor in settling labor disputes; in shortening the hours of a workday; in procuring an advance in wages; and further, the demand for it will make the employer realize his error if he fails or refuses to put this emblem of union labor upon the product he puts on the market. If the cry, "We want the label," be substantiated with a vigorous boycott on non label bearing products, union wage earners will reap as they sow. "The label," "The label," "The label." Let the demand for it be emphatic, earnest, consistent, honest. JAMES MONROE Kreiter.

SUBSTITUTE FOR BOYCOTT.

The union label-the emblem of fair dealing, and the substitute for the boycott. The label can be made a power in the hands of the working classes if they will only realize its usefulness and make it such. It is up to them. To demand the label on all printed matter, to ask for union-made articles with the label, will certainly cause the dealers to put in such goods and create a market for such articles. I really believe if union workmen will ask and insist on the label being on printing and other articles bought, it will do more good than any other label agitation you can bring forth.

Thorough organization is a fine thing, but what good is such organization when we forget our best friend, the union label? Let us not forget, when we buy, to buy only articles bearing the union label. JOSEPH WEINER.

LABEL LORE.

The strongest and most potent weapon in the hands of organized labor today is the label-to demand the presence of the union label on every ar ticle which we use. But, like all other great truths, it is hard to make our people appreciate it at its true value. Everything great grows slowly, and while a realization of the value of the label as an agency of unionism is growing, it is growing but slowly. I believe that the failure of trades unionists to demand the label on all occasions is largely due to the want of appreciation, in some instances, of the inconsistency of using or wearing anything but label goods. Instances have been known of mechanics refusing to work with scab-made material in the regular pursuit of their trade, who had not a garment bearing the union label. In their pockets was non-union tobacco, and when off duty they did not hesitate to smoke a scab-made cigar. The trades unionist who uses non-union goods in any shape compels the employer of union labor to compete with the employer of scab labor for the trade of the trades unionist himself! That is a truth for the trades unionist to take home to himself.

We have always maintained that union-made goods were as cheap as the scab-made articlesthat the greater efficiency of union men more than equalized the smaller wages of the non-unionist. That union goods are cheaper from the fact that they are better no one can deny, and ordinarily they are as low in price. But the great thing to consider when we purchase non-union or non-label goods is that we are contributing to a non-union establishment and helping to employ non-union workmen, and depriving union men of that amount of money, and consequently that amount of employment. Every dollar that we pay for non-union goods we give to a scab in preference to a union

man.

We are inclined to be very insistent on the use of the label of our own trade. A business announcement that does not bear the label of the allied printing trades or the typographical label meets our unqualified denunciation. It is not unusual to hear a "square man" denouncing the absence of the label on a piece of printing, when the strictest search would fail to develop the garment makers' or the shoemakers' or the hatters' label in his attire, and perhaps a scab cigar adorns his face and a piece of scab-made tobacco bulges his nonunion pocket. Brethren, let us demand the label on all printing, but let us be consistent. In demanding the use of our own label let us concede to all other trades unionists the right to demand theirs, and even join them in the demand.

There has lately been established in this city, on capital subscribed by trades unionists, an outfitter's establishment which does not handle anything but union-label goods, in which a man can be fitted out with everything that a man wears. It opened auspiciously on the 1st of March, and there is every reason to believe that it will be a conspicu

ous success. If it proves to be, it will be an ob ject lesson to trades unionists everywhere. But if the trades unionist can be induced to demand the union label on everything, there will be no occasion for workingmen to establish emporiums themselves. Private capital will be only too glad to supply a demand for all union goods as soon as it appears. Washington, D. C. A. F. BLOOMER.

WHAT IT STANDS FOR.

The United States of North America should by right be the strongest and most powerful exponent of the union label of any country on the face of the globe. This may seem a strong assertion to our non-label friends, but it is borne out in every conceivable way and manner. In the beginning there were thirteen states who decided that a union was the proper thing, and a union was formed. When this event had duly been recorded, a label was necessary. And it was then up to the fair sex to produce one. History gives several the credit for bringing out the first label of the union of states. The label adopted as a trademark of fair, honest, home-government rule was in the nature of a flag, and under that flag some of the most sanguinary battles in history have been fought. And why not? Have not there been traitors and renegades under that label as well as under the more modern union labor label?

What did this first label stand for? What was its protection to its followers? What was neces sary to become a member? These are questions that can be answered by the veriest schoolboy. Yet, were we to believe all that is and has been said about this flag label, one-half of us would be for a country without a flag and the other half would be for some other country. Thus the early efforts of our forefathers would be in vain. But providence has willed otherwise. The first label in the guise of a flag grandly waves over a country free from serfdom, barring the near approach caused by the extract exuded by the trusts in the form of a cuttlefish cloud. What more natural then that the men who believed in having a label that all countries must recognize, should hand down to their posterity the self-same inherent traits to a large extent. Skilled and honest work. men were forced to adopt another kind of label, yet practically to the same end. Oppressive taskmasters were forcing them into a condition little better than the condition of the thirteen states prior to the Declaration of Independence. A union of two men was formed, and they in turn were reinforced by others, until at the present moment there are millions who firstly belong and live under the starry label, that all nations are bound to respect and fear. Likewise do these millions of skilled workmen belong to unions having labels, leagued together for the better protection of home and country against the tyrannical oppression of some non-label employers. And when the word non-label is used, it is used to apply in the sense that a good citizen owes it to the starry label of

the free, to see that his co-worker receives the same honorable treatment as that demanded by the different states.

The union label upon any certain product denotes many things; the principal one is that the people who work under that label, as under the flag, are receiving just and honorable treatment; that its members are bound together by the same sentiment as first bound the thirteen states-not what we can get out of this as individuals, but rather to protect themselves from the grasping tentacles of the octopus that would have overthrown the individual states.

The union label upon any product, be it what it may, denotes that no son, daughter, mother or father working under that label is working within prison walls. It proclaims to the world that the peoples employed under that label are a free people and not serfs. It proclaims that the government under which they work (the employer) is a humane employer, and that he is entitled to the good-will and respect of all peoples; that his government is a government made up of the cardinal principles of live and let live. It goes forth from his manufactory to the uttermost ends of the world and loudly proclaims that the people under his government are a free and educated people; that the children, who should by right receive an education, are receiving the same; that the father receives sufficient from him, as a paternal government, to enable him to properly clothe and feed his dear ones. The union label, at once as broad as the heavens; it is then no wonder that it is so easy for the posterity of the framers of the first union to rally under the folds of the other. No, the time will come, and that in the not dim future, when the label will have a wider and more significant meaning, and that is, it will broaden to such an extent that to see it upon manufactured goods of any description will denote other things than merely an honest government to its employes, and also denote the fact that its goods are pure goods and not adulterated to deceive and swindle the buying public. I believe that the public would heartily accord full sympathy to any movement, be it along any lines, that would reduce this growing evil. Let the union label of union workmen stand for the same thing in materials-honest and skilled workmen, and honest and pure products. Minneapolis, Minn.

WILL J. ROHR.

TO BOOST THE LABEL.

It is unnecessary, of course, to advance arguments to an audience of organized workingmen as to the value of the union label. The thing to do is to exchange suggestions as to the best means of familiarizing the public with the label and stimulating its use. Obviously, the label will not push itself. In this connection, a few facts and figures concerning the state of affairs in St. Louis may be of interest. President Jackson, of No. 8, who is given credit, and justly, by every one who is cognizant of local history for much of the high state of printing trades organization existing in St. Louis and vicinity, stated during the recent convention that this city was nearly 100 per cent organized in

the printing trades. And there has been no retrograde stop taken. On the other hand, the local unions have greatly increased their per capita to the local printing trades council, which body keeps office hours throughout the week, with a representative in charge-Secretary C. P. Connally-and is making a systematic label campaign. The list of offices entitled to the label shows that 112 labels have been issued, which is a far greater percentage than any other city in the country, population considered-in fact, greater even than some cities of larger size. The allied printing trades council last year issued gummed labels or "stickers," like these:

and the label granted to several new concerns. Circulars and advertising matter have been distributed extensively among the business houses, and this kind of advertising has borne fruit, so much that it is hardly possible to read any kind of notice or circular, pasted up or shown in store windows, without seeing the label upon it.

There are still a few more concerns which the label committee of the council are working hard to capture, and if successful, the ground around Boston will be very nearly covered, as far as the union label proposition is concerned. Incidentally, I urge the many readers of THE JOURNAL to insist upon the label when making any kind of a purchase, and by doing this you are not alone assisting yourself individually, or your union, but are accomplishing something for the other unions who are struggling for existence in their certain trade. If we can but give the union label a thought now and then, some one will be given the benefit of this thought, and bring forth prosperity and good times for the trades unionists. Boston, Mass.

ROBERT T. ALIEN.

ADVERTISE PATRONIZE

The union label is one of the most potent influences in the possession of the trades unionists of this country for the advancement of their interests. The union label is a guarantee that the article bearing it was made under fair conditions, wages and hours of labor, and is also a protection to the purchaser against disease-laden products of the sweatshop and the tenement house. The union label is a guarantee that when you purchase an article you are not patronizing those who deal in the flesh and blood of little children, and who barter their life blood for the almighty dollar.

The union label is a protection against cheap alien labor-in fact, the necessity for such protection was what brought the union label into existence. The union label was originated by the cigarmakers in the year 1874, and was practically the result of the contest against Chinese labor, which, after the treaty of 1868 with China, began to assume alarming proportions in our western states. The placing of the label upon cigar boxes indicated that the contents were made by American labor, and that wages and conditions of employment were up to the American standard.

The desire to organize union men as consumers, much the same as they are organized as producers, is the main idea of the union label. In order to make the label a success it is necessary for all union men to patronize it, and in order to be consistent they must do so. Particularly in these days, when employers' associations are advocating the "open shop," the efficacy of the union label in promoting union conditions and union shops will be recognized. The trades union movement stands unequivocally committed to the union shop, to the employment of union men to the exclusion of all others; and union men, in order to bring about this condition, must practice what they preach. How can we ask employers to employ only union men if we ourselves employ non-union men by purchasing goods that do not bear the union label?

There is little excuse for such action in these days on the ground that label goods are not to be had, because almost all trades have a distinctive label of their own, even the National Building Trades Council advertising the fact that the label can be found on houses, and requesting union men who wish to buy or rent dwellings to look for the union label.

The cigarmakers are the most active in pushing and advertising their label, and spend thousands of dollars a year to that end; and that it pays to do so is proven by the great increasing demand for union made cigars.

This is one of the things in which most unions are delinquent-they do not advertise their label extensively enough to make the public familiar with it, and to create a demand. The printers' label has been a most potent factor in the printing trades, and it has been found of wonderful assistance in organizing the book and job trade. But we do not advertise it extensively enough.

So in order to make the union label effective we must creat a demand for it. In order to create a demand, union men themselves must be faithful to their principles, and show to others by example and precept that they are union men, not only in name, but in reality.

The union label is first cousin to the boycott. When a man insists upon having union label goods he is boycotting every article which does not bear that label. This is a fact which union men too often lose sight of.

Particularly in the case of tobacco, it is often found that men who have become accustomed to the use of a certain brand will use that brand and no other, even if they know that it is the product of non-union labor and the trust. And the employers of non-union labor are aware of this, and it helps to keep them from unionizing their shops and using the union label. It has been well said that a man who earns union wages and enjoys union conditions of employment should either acquire a taste for union made tobacco, or be man enough to discontinue its use. A man can not be true to his union or to himself if he employs "scab" labor in the production of articles which he con

sumes.

If the 3,000,000 organized workers of this country would each one patronize only union goods it would bring about a demand for the label that no manufacturer could afford to ignore; and as a result it would bring about a wave of organization that would sweep all before it, and that would effectually drown out "open shop" agitation.

In the work of organization that is before us, and that must be accomplished this year if we hope to achieve the eight-hour day next January, the union label should not be lost sight of, for it can be made to be of material assistance to that end. And we must make it valuable to employers, and throw such safeguards around it that they will see the advantages which it brings. Boston, Mass.

HERBERT W. COOKE.

THE man who favors the open shop is a man who favors starvation wages. Such a man is not a good citizen.-Farmers' Advocate.