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MACHINES, OPERATORS, ETC. An increase of more than 10 per cent is shown in the number of machines in use. This method of composition promises to invade even the smallest cities. It is sufficient to direct attention to the figures below, showing the number of the various machines in union and non-union offices. They demonstrate in unmistakable terms the superior skill of our members, and the results of a strong organization.

It is impossible to present a resumé of the increases in the scales of our locals so as to show clearly the gain by each one. Suffice it to say that they vary from one-half cent per 1,000 ems to $8 per week, or, conservatively estimated, from 2 to 75 per cent. Several newly-formed unions have not only greatly increased the wages of their members, but have at the same time reduced their working hours six per week. The older locals have made smaller gains, but their progress is substantial and encouraging.

The instances in which the wages of jobmen, hand compositors, proofreaders, floormen, admen and machine operators have been increased since January 1, 1904, are given below:

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Percentage in union offices, .8305.

* Figures in this column represent machines in the jurisdiction of 637 reporting unions.

Machines have not as yet been introduced in the jurisdiction of fifty-five unions. The number of unions reporting the various kinds of machines in operation is as follows: Mergenthaler......

...... 521

...... 137
Rogers ......
Thorne ...

........ 1 With the continued introduction of machines, and the almost universal practice in the larger cities of working two or three shifts, the number of machines, operators, tenders, etc., has grown proportionately. That these statistics are credita ble to our International Union none will deny:

International law prevents the use of the label in the jurisdiction of a local having a scale which in any particular falls below $10 per week of fifty. four hours. This has done away with scales below the legal limit on this side of the Canadian line. Those appearing in the completed report apply to new unions, which have not had time to materially improve conditions since their organization. While the Canadian scales seem in some instances lower than the figures just given, they are not so in reality, because of the difference in the cost of living and prevailing conditions,

The wages reported can, therefore, be said to vary in proportion to the cost of living, the strength of the union, and local environments. In many cities machine operators are favored with higher wages and shorter hours than other employes. The tendency to place all time employes on the same basis is mentioned in another paragraph.

Scales for proofreaders, floormen and admen were not reported by a large number of unions. This does not mean that persons employed in such capacities are not under the control of the union. On the contrary, proofreaders, floormen and ad. men are not permitted to work longer hours nor for less wages than hand compositors, even though the local scale makes no specific mention of them, and the number of cities where their wages and hours are on a par with those of operators is steadily increasing. The movement toward the same scale for all composing room employes on time work continues with marked success.

It must be remembered that the wage scales presented in the report are the minimum scales in each instance, and that a large number of members of the union receive more than the scale for their services,

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*The percentages are not reduced to accurate fractions.

SCALES CONSTANTLY CHANGING. There being no general date for the expiration of contracts throughout the jurisdiction of the International Typographical Union, local wage scales are constantly changing. Local agreements fix the term of a labor contract, and in most instances the newspaper and book and job schedules expire at different times. The scales presented in the pamphlet are those reported as prevailing up to March 1, 1905. Since the book containing the tabulated reports was sent to press a few of our locals have obtained increases in wages, while others have secured concessions in the form of shorter hours for book and job employes. These changes will be noted in the “What We Are Doing" column of The JOURNAL. A number of unions are at present conducting negotiations for a new wage scale.

DIFFERENTIAL MACHINE SCALES. The continued rapid introduction of Monotype and the use of Simplex machines necessitated the collection of special information regarding them. Each local was, therefore, requested to make a specific report in case a lower scale prevailed for either of the machines named. The secretary-treasurer has made an effort, by means of footnotes, to show this difference, where any exists. The ma chine scales of those unions to which no special reference is made apply to Linotype machines—the

only kind in the jurisdiction of the reporting union. • Monotype machines are in use in fifty-nine of

the cities represented in the report, as against twenty-six in January, 1904. In thirty-seven places they are in union offices. In the jurisdiction of thirty unions the same scale applies to all kinds of machines. Three of that number stipulate longer hours for members employed on the Monotype machine than for Linotype operators. Four locals have a different scale, and three have not made a scale for the Monotype, owing to its recent introduction. That Monotype machines are found in non-union offices in twenty-two cities is a matter of import. This machine, judged by its rapid adoption in the past year, will be much used in book and job offices. Locals should therefore exert every influence to the end that all machines of this or other character in their jurisdiction be operated and cared for by members of the union.

In the statement of January, 1904, Simplex ma. chines were reported in use i. 148 cities. They are now in operation in the jurisdiction of 137 local unions. Of this number, forty-two unions have the same scale for all machine operators. Twenty-one locals report a scale for Simplex machines alonethe only kind in use in the cities they control. A lower scale for these machines is provided by thirty-nine unions; one has no schedule for them; one reports that the operators receive a special piece scale, while thirty-three locals indicate them to be in non-union offices. It is noted that in a majority of instances the working hours of Simplex operators are reported as exceeding forty. eight per week, while the hours of labor of oper. ators on other machines do not average more than forty-eight.

Secretary Bramwood again claims there is no valid reason for a differential scale for machines, and it should not exist. The International Union is on record as favoring a flat schedule for all time employes in composing rooms. This should be borne in mind by the locals now having the differential scales for the various machines, and at the proper time the defect should be remedied. Again, it appears that a very few locals have been lax in their regulations governing machines requiring two persons to complete the output. Our laws require machine operators, tenders, etc., to be journeymen members of the local union, and specifically cover the question of apprentices working on machines. These laws are for the protection of the craft, and a close adherence to them on the part of the locals to which these remarks apply will tend to prevent trouble in the future.

THE LABEL, A PRICELESS EMBLEM. The label is nothing less than the rock of union. ism. It is the priceless emblem of organized wage earners. In fact it is their refuge, their citadel. It is the one means we have to evidence the product of union men. Its importance is everywhere uct of union men. I manifest. The trade unionist who does not insist upon the label being upon that which he pur. chases fails in the work of advancing the interests of his craft, and may be considered recreant to the principles which have become paramount in not only our own organization, but in every union of wage earners. What the password is to a secret society member, the label is as the symbol of unionism. Union men and women can promote its influence, can make it a potent factor in settling labor disputes; in shortening the hours of a workday; in procuring an advance in wages; and further, the demand for it will make the employer realize his error if he fails or refuses to put this emblem of union labor upon the product he puts on the market. If the cry, "We want the label,” be substantiated with a vigorous boycott on non label bearing products, union wage earners will reap as they sow. “The label," "The label," "The label." Let the demand for it be emphatic, earnest, consistent, honest. JAMES MONROE KREITER.

SUBSTITUTE FOR BOYCOTT. The union label--the emblem of fair dealing, and the substitute for the boycott. The label can be made a power in the hands of the working classes if they will only realize its usefulness and make it such. It is up to them. To demand the label on all printed matter, to ask for union-made articles with the label, will certainly cause the dealers to put in such goods and create a market for such articles. I really believe if union work. men will ask and insist on the label being on printing and other articles bought, it will do more good than any other label agitation you can bring forth.

Thorough organization is a fine thing, but what good is such organization when we forget our best friend, the union label? Let us not forget, when we buy, to buy only articles bearing the union label.

Joseph WEINER.

ous success. If it proves to be, it will be an object lesson to trades unionists everywhere. But if the trades unionist can be induced to demand the union label on everything, there will be no occasion for workingmen to establish emporiums themselves. Private capital will be only too glad to supply a demand for all union goods as soon as it appears. Washington, D. C.


LABEL LORE. The strongest and most potent weapon in the hands of organized labor today is the label-to demand the presence of the union label on every article which we use. But, like all other great truths, it is hard to make our people appreciate it at its true value. Everything great grows slowly, and while a realization of the value of the label as an agency of unionism is growing, it is growing but slowly. I believe that the failure of trades unionists to demand the label on all occasions is largely due to the want of appreciation, in some instances, of the inconsistency of using or wearing anything but label goods. Instances have been known of • mechanics refusing to work with scab-made material in the regular pursuit of their trade, who had not a garment bearing the union label. In their pockets was non-union tobacco, and when off duty they did not hesitate to smoke a scab-made cigar. The trades unionist who uses non-union goods in any shape compels the employer of union labor to compete with the employer of scab labor for the trade of the trades unionist himself! That is a truth for the trades unionist to take home to himself.

We have always maintained that union-made goods were as cheap as the scab-made articlesthat the greater efficiency of union men more than equalized the smaller wages of the non-unionist. That union goods are cheaper from the fact that

cheaper from the fact that they are better no one can deny, and ordinarily they are as low in price. But the great thing to consider when we purchase non-union or non-label goods is that we are contributing to a non-union establishment and helping to employ non-union workmen, and depriving union men of that amount of money, and consequently that amount of em ployment. Every dollar that we pay for non-union goods we give to a scab in preference to a union man.

We are inclined to be very insistent on the use of the label of our own trade. A business announcement that does not bear the label of the allied printing trades or the typographical label meets our unqualified denunciation. It is not un usual to hear a "square man" denouncing the absence of the label on a piece of printing, when the strictest search would fail to develop the garment makers' or the shoemakers' or the hatters' label in his attire, and perhaps a scab cigar adorns his face and a piece of scab-made tobacco bulges his nonunion pocket. Brethren, let us demand the label on all printing, but let us be consistent. In demanding the use of our own label let us concede to all other trades unionists the right to demand theirs, and even join them in the demand.

There has lately been established in this city, on capital subscribed by trades unionists, an outfitter's establishment which does not handle anything but union-label goods, in which a man can be fitted out with everything that a man wears. It opened auspiciously on the ist of March, and there is every reason to believe that it will be a conspicu

WHAT IT STANDS FOR. The United States of North America should by right be the strongest and most powerful exponent of the union label of any country on the face of the globe. This may seem a strong assertion to our non-label friends, but it is borne out in every conceivable way and manner. In the begin. ning there were thirteen states who decided that a union was the proper thing, and a union was formed. When this event had duly been recorded, a label was necessary. And it was then up to the fair sex to produce one. History gives several the credit for bringing out the first label of the union of states. The label adopted as a trademark of fair, honest, home-government rule was in the nature of a flag, and under that flag some of the most sanguinary battles in history have been fought. And why not? Have not there been trai. tors and renegades under that label as well as under the more modern union labor label?

What did this first label stand for? What was its protection to its followers? What was neces. sary to become a member? These are questions that can be answered by the veriest schoolboy. Yet, were we to believe all that is and has been said about this flag label, one-half of us would be for a country without a flag and the other half would be for some other country. Thus the early efforts of our forefathers would be in vain. But providence has willed otherwise. The first label in the guise of a fiag grandly waves over a country free from serfdom, barring the near approach caused by the extract exuded by the trusts in the form of a cuttlefish cloud. What more natural then that the men who believed in having a label that all countries must recognize, should hand down to their posterity the self-same inherent traits to a large extent. Skilled and honest workmen were forced to adopt another kind of label. yet practically to the same end. Oppressive task: masters were forcing them into a condition little better than the condition of the thirteen states prior to the Declaration of Independence. A union of two men was formed, and they in turn were reinforced by others, until at the present moment there are millions who firstly belong and live under the starry label, that all nations are bound to respect and fear. Likewise do these millions of skilled workmen belong to unions having labels, leagued together for the better protection of home and country against the tyrannical oppression of some non-label employers. And when the word non-label is used, it is used to apply in the sense that a good citizen owes it to the starry label of the printing trades. And there has been no retrograde stop taken. On the other hand, the local unions have greatly increased their per capita to the local printing trades council, which body keeps office hours throughout the week, with a representative in charge-Secretary C. P. Connally-and is making a systematic label campaign. The list of offices entitled to the label shows that 112 labels have been issued, which is a far greater percent. age than any other city in the country, population considered-in fact, greater even than some cities of larger size. The allied printing trades council last year issued gummed labels or "stickers," like these:




the free, to see that his co-worker receives the same honorable treatment as that demanded by the different states.

The union label upon any certain product de. notes many things; the principal one is that the people who work under that label, as under the flag, are receiving just and honorable treatment; that its members are bound together by the same sentiment as first bound the thirteen states—not what we can get out of this as individuals, but rather to protect themselves from the grasping ten tacles of the octopus that would have overthrown the individual states.

The union label upon any product, be it what it may, denotes that no son, daughter, mother or father working under that label is working within prison walls. It proclaims to the world that the peoples employed under that label are a free people and not serfs. It proclaims that the government under which they work (the employer) is a humane employer, and that he is entitled to the good-will and respect of all peoples; that his gove ernment is a government made up of the cardinal principles of live and let live. It goes forth from his manufactory to the uttermost ends of the world and loudly proclaims that the people under his government are a free and educated people; that the children, who should by right receive an education, are receiving the same; that the father receives sufficient from him, as a paternal government, to enable him to properly clothe and feed his dear ones. The union label, at once as broad as the heavens; it is then no wonder that it is so easy for the posterity of the framers of the first union to rally under the folds of the other: No, the time will come, and that in the not dim future, when the label will have a wider and more significant meaning, and that is, it will broaden to such an extent that to see it upon manufactured goods of any description will denote other things than merely an honest government to its employes, and also denote the fact that its goods are pure goods and not adulterated to deceive and swindle the buying public. I believe that the public would heartily accord full sympathy to any movement, be it along any lines, that would reduce this growing evil. Let the union label of union workmen stand for the same thing in materials—honest and skilled workmen, and honest and pure products. Minneapolis, Minn.

Will J. Ronr.



An addition is now made in the form of a folder, one sheet stitched inside a colored cover. On the front of cover is:



Your Business. The inside reads:

WHY NOT? seek the patronage of a class of well-paid craftsmen. The printing tradesmen are among the best paid artisans; enjoy steady employ. ment; are at peace with their employers and the rest of the world.

The little design below on your printing will cause them to seek you. It costs you nothing.


TO BOOST THE LABEL. It is unnecessary, of course, to advance arguments to an audience of organized workingmen as to the value of the union label. The thing to do is to exchange suggestions as to the best means of familiarizing the public with the label and stimu. lating its use. Obviously, the label will not push itself. In this connection, a few facts and figures concerning the state of affairs in St. Louis may be of interest. President Jackson, of No. 8, who is given credit, and justly, by every one who is cogni. zant of local history for much of the high state of printing trades organization existing in St. Louis and vicinity, stated during the recent convention that this city was nearly 100 per cent organized in

These bits of matter, are intended to be handed to tradesmen by union men and their families. The woman's auxiliary of No. 8 has taken ho this work, and the results are becoming more apparent every day. We want the eight-hour day. The label will “help some." Inelegantly, but expressively, “It's up to you!" J. J. DIRKS.

St. Louis, Mo.

ASK FOR THE LABEL. As president of the Boston Allied Printing Trades Council, since the first of the year, I can say the work of pushing the union label in some of the job offices has been active, and at our last meeting a number of applications were acted upon

and the label granted to several new concerns. There is little excuse for such action in these days Circulars and advertising matter have been dis on the ground that label goods are not to be had, tributed extensively among the business houses, because almost all trades have a distinctive label and this kind of advertising has borne fruit, so of their own, even the National Building Trades much that it is hardly possible to read any kind of Council advertising the fact that the label can be notice or circular, pasted up or shown in store win found on houses, and requesting union men who dows, without seeing the label upon it.

wish to buy or rent dwellings to look for the union There are still a few more concerns which the

label. label committee of the council are working hard The cigarmakers are the most active in pushing to capture, and if successful, the ground around and advertising their label, and spend thousands Boston will be very nearly covered, as far as the of dollars a year to that end; and that it pays to union label proposition is concerned. Incidentally, do so is proven by the great increasing demand for I urge the many readers of THE JOURNAL to insist union made cigars.. upon the label when making any kind of a pur This is one of the things in which most unions chase, and by doing this you are not alone assist. are delinquent—they do not advertise their label ing yourself individually, or your union, but are extensively enough to make the public familiar accomplishing something for the other unions with it, and to create a demand. The printers' lawho are struggling for existence in their certain bel has been a most potent factor in the printing trade. If we can but give the union label a thoughttrades, and it has been found of wonderful asnow and then, some one will be given the benefitsistance in organizing the book and job trade. But of this thought, and bring forth prosperity and we do not advertise it extensively enough. good times for the trades unionists.

So in order to make the union label effective we Boston, Mass.

ROBERT T. ALIEN. must creat a demand for it. In order to create a

demand, union men themselves must be faithful to ADVERTISE_PATRONIZE

their principles, and show to others by example and

precept that they are union men, not only in name, The union label is one of the most potent influ

but in reality. ences in the possession of the trades unionists of

The union label is first cousin to the boycott. this country for the advancement of their inter

When a man insists upon having union label goods ests. The union label is a guarantee that the arti

he is boycotting every article which does not bear cle bearing it was made under fair conditions,

that label. This is a fact which union men too wages and hours of labor, and is also a protection

often lose sight of. to the purchaser against disease-laden products of

Particularly in the case of tobacco, it is often the sweatshop and the tenement house. The union

found that men who have become accustomed to label is a guarantee that when you purchase an ar

the use of a certain brand will use that brand and ticle you are not patronizing those who deal in

no other, even if they know that it is the product the flesh and blood of little children, and who

of non-union labor and the trust. And the employers barter their life blood for the almighty dollar.

of non-union labor are aware of this, and it helps The union label is a protection against cheap

to keep them from unionizing their shops and usalien labor-in fact, the necessity for such protec.

ing the union label. It has been well said that a tion was what brought the union label into exist

man who earns union wages and enjoys union conence. The union label was originated by the cigar.

ditions of employment should either acquire a makers in the year 1874, and was practically the

taste for union made tobacco, or be man enough result of the contest against Chinese labor, which,

to discontinue its use. A man can not be true to after the treaty of 1868 with China, began to as

his union or to himself if he employs "scab" lasume alarming proportions in our western states.

bor in the production of articles which he conThe placing of the label upon cigar boxes indi

sumes. cated that the contents were made by American

If the 3,000,000 organized workers of this counlabor, and that wages and conditions of employ.

try would each one patronize only union goods it ment were up to the American standard.

would bring about a demand for the label that no The desire to organize union men as consumers,

manufacturer could afford to ignore; and as a remuch the same as they are organized as producers,

sult it would bring about a wave of organization is the main idea of the union label. In order to

that would sweep all before it, and that would ef. make the label a success it is necessary for all

fectually drown out “open shop" agitation. union men to patronize it, and in order to be con

In the work of organization that is before us, sistent they must do so. Particularly in these

and that must be accomplished this year if we hope days, when employers' associations are advocating

to achieve the eight-hour day next January, the the "open shop," the efficacy of the union label in

union label should not be lost sight of, for it can promoting union conditions and union shops will

be made to be of material assistance to that end. be recognized. The trades union movement stands And we must make it valuable to employers, and unequivocally committed to the union shop, to the

throw such safeguards around it that they will see employment of union men to the exclusion of all

the advantages which it brings. others; and union men, in order to bring about

Boston, Mass.

HERBERT W. COOKE. this condition, must practice what they preach. How can we ask employers to employ only union The man who favors the open shop is a man men if we ourselves employ non-union men by who favors starvation wages. Such a man is not a purchasing goods that do not bear the union label? good citizen.-Farmers' Advocate.

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