lax in the payment of dues and assessments when they could so readily become reinstated. Now is the time to prepare for the eight-hour day on January 1, 1906.

At the annual meeting of the state federation of labor, held at Williamsport last month, the boy. cott on the Inquirer was reaffirmed by the state federation. This action was unanimously carried by the ninety delegates present, who represented 300,000 organized workers in this state. The delegates to the convention from No. 2 were Messrs. Rodier and Bodine.

The International Printing Company, the office which was struck by this union last June in an effort to organize the plant, is now reaping its harvest of trouble.

In all the departments of the North American newspaper establishment, from the cellar to the roof, time clocks have been installed, and each employe has a number. One of the men in the photo-engraving room, accompanied by his son, refused to abide by the new rule, and gave up a very lucrative position paying $55 per week! He asserted that it was too late in life for him to be numbered. Some of our members have declared they would take a number, or two if necessary, at that price.

a

Before the new trustees are elected the retiring board should be heartily thanked for the change of quarters. Everything is convenient, and there is absolutely no complaint to be heard. Now, speaking from newspaper man's standpoint, there is only one more change necessary to make the rearrangement satisfactory, that is the change of meeting from Saturday to Monday. It is almost impossible for newspaper men to attend the meetings on Saturday, as it is one of the heaviest nights, and subs are at a premium, while Monday is about the dullest of the week.

On Monday, April 3, after the business meeting, the woman's auxiliary gave a surprise party. The attendance was not large, but the enthusiasm was great.

Permar H. Roberts, for several years foreman at Innes & Sons, has gone to the Pacific coast. He is to locate at Spokane, Wash. He has the wishes of many Philadelphians for his success. He was compelled to leave this city on account of ill health.

printers

His

Charles E. Miller, known to the throughout the country by his nom de plume, "Cibley Citters," died during the month. card was deposited here less than six months. His last employment was as proofreader at the Medical Bulletin. He was a constant worker for the advancement of unionism. Samuel D. Carter, who at one time was secretary of No. 2, and who joined the union in 1856, has also passed away.

Lancaster Union desires to be enrolled among those contributing to the support of No. 2 in its fight against the unfair Inquirer and the organization of Philadelphia.

The Lanston Monotype Company is finding it difficult to get enough union printers to learn to operate its machines. Wake up, union men, there are great opportunities and positions waiting for competent operators. JOHN MEADE,

PHILADELPHIA THE OTHER SIDE. While not in the least surprising, it was hoped that the optimistic and pliable Meade would disdain to further dip his pen into the fetid fluid that exhales only mephitic odors. But as his moted vision seems to see virtue by consort with its antithesis, and as he appears to be willing, if not anxious, to permit himself to be the laundrytub in which the apostates hope to wash their filthy linen, so must he also, being the line on which it is hung to dry, sway whichever way the wind may blow.

No more pathetic task has ever beset the writer than that which now confronts him, to take up the gauntlet of a blind and weak, though personally esteemed, opponent; which compels him to endeavor to wake up the somnambulistic Meade, to ask him to renounce the heresies in which he now flounders, and to hold out welcoming arms of reception for his return to the fold of the faithful. This is done with the hope that he may save himself ere he is engulfed in the maelstrom that is sure to be the offspring of the present nuptials of incompetency and deceit.

While claim is not made to possession of superlative ability of critical analysis, self-sufficient evidence is apparent to the writer that collocution was used in the wording, if not the actual writing, of the article under review; and had the names of the several fathers of this squeaking monstrosity of lies acknowledged their creation by appending their names, the classification of its wantonness would have been more thoroughly accomplished, prescription given for the cure, and dosage graduated. Howbeit, dissection of his article in the April JOURNAL shows the following:

Paragraph 1.-Compare this with Secretary Bramwood's note at the end.

Paragraph 2.-Without disinfection, an answer to this paragraph would undoubtedly be returned by the editor of THE JOURNAL; and with disinfection, it would be necessary to resort to subterfuge, which the writer declines to do. But as to "our brand of unionism here has no superior," the writer disclaims all connection with the brand so eulogized.

Paragraph 4.-"A careful search of the records shows the International Printing Company, which was union only long enough to allow the men to be called out-something like three minutes-none of the men employed there belonging to the union." This statement should have been thoroughly fumigated. In the first place, this office was lost to the union-lost, mark youthough it had only been union "something like three minutes-none of the men employed there belonging to the union." This is a mastery of gymnastic reasoning of which the writer confesses complete ignorance: but it is a fair sample of the cerebration of the regnant barrenness. Three minutes! By what process of measurement Mr. Meade bridges time, the writer knows not; but the fact is, in those three minutes Philadelphia paid out more than $800 for picket duty, covering a period approximating two months, and for strike benefits to men who were members "only long

enough to allow the men to be called out." But, then, Philadelphia has (to use a vulgarism) money to burn; and, thank you, she has energetic stokers, and a full supply of lucifers.

Paragraph 6.-"Furthermore, it is only within the last three or four years that the former common practice of allowing union men to work in open shops for less than the scale has positively ceased. The Inquirer was the last stand on this point, and now the union refuses to tolerate it anywhere." This is an inexcusable mendacity. At the present-year March meeting of this union it was proved that a man had been, was then, and undoubtedly is still, working, in one of the offices Mr. Meade has classed as those gained, for $12 a week. Nor is this an exceptional case, as the writer was so informed by the president of the local union to this effect.

Paragraph 7.-"The membership has been increased during this period, until now we can proudly boast of a membership of 1200 in good standing." In the January issue of THE JOURNAL, page 10, a table was printed by the executive council, covering eleven months in 1904, January to November, inclusive, as follows: Excluding August and September, the average membership reported was 1317, while the stamps used ony aver aged 1145. In August 1000 and in September 1090 stamps were used, but no membership was reported; perhaps too numerous to count. The local secretary told the writer that the average for the three months preceding the sending of this ar ticle was 1093. In last month's issue of THE JOURNAL, where Mr. Meade says "now we can proudly boast of a membership of 1200 in good standing," the International secretary's report shows $440 paid by Philadelphia, which makes the membership 1100. How beautifully the figures dovetail!

Paragraph 8.-"Too much praise can not be given to the officers of No. 2 for the success so far attained in their efforts to unionize this city." George J. Knott, in the Chicago letter of the March JOURNAL, says: "It would seem as though no comment was necessary on a showing of eleven months' work and an expenditure of nearly $15,ooo, when the net results show that the organization forces in Philadelphia have barely been able to retain the original membership."

Attention is not paid to paragraphs 9 and 10 from fear of the blue pencil. They were partly answered in the editor's note appended to the communication.

Paragraph 12.-"Philadelphia Union is truly grateful to the numerous unions spontaneously donating financial assistance." Last month's letter from New York said: "A committee sent to Philadelphia reported against helping No. 2,

that No. 2 submit to the proposition of the executive council of the International Typographical Union." Spontaneous! More likely the result of pity in answer to a beggarly plea. "Other donations will be acknowledged as received." Philadelphia's almsbox is open, and anything will be gratefully received, from a cent to a knock at the executive council. Before ending this paragraph, the writer believes that, while he fully appreciates

the broad spirit of fellowship and the cherished honor which prompts the financial aid, it would be wiser, in view of all that has been laid before the general membership, to await the full report of the cause, or causes, leading to the present contention between Indianapolis and the involved Philadelphia officials.

Last Paragraph.-"The political pot is beginning to boil in the City of Brotherly Love." Anu, sorry to say, Meade is being used as a fagot-stick to keep in agitation the brewing nostrum; and in the end he will be, if history repeats itself, no more than useless ashes.

Since the publication of the writer's article in the February issue of THE JOURNAL, claim has been made by the enemy that the inspiration of its writing was an ulterior end. This is not so, and its birth but bespeaks the ignorance of its parentage. Last year, after being defeated by the backstairs coterie-the only time that he, in Philadelphia or any other city, went before the membership as a candidate for office-he promised to keep out of the field in the present year, and he has done so; and further states there is no office within the gift of No. 2 that he would accept so long as it tolerates the incompetents that now play low comedians in this tragedy of errors! To those who nave known him for years, the fatuity of such a report and its baselessness are apparent. Were he as shallow as some of the unionists who mock the part with the same valor that we see in the heroism of raw supernumeraries in a military pantomine, he would autobiographically exploit his masterful achievements and bare his arching brow for the bays of victory. But he has never interpreted the obligation so as to make it read that its benefits were for him alone. What he has done, and attempted to do, has been for the general good; what every other union man does whose unionism is held in his heart and not in a hungry pocketbook. And what he would do now, had he the power, would be to rescue Philadelphia from the stranglers who have it by the throat; from the vultures who are hovering near to bestrip it of its mortal vestments. A short while longer of the present Machiavellism-and then the requiem.

Now is shown, in part, some of the lachrymose logic that has been engendered; only in part, for the writer has no desire to crowd out all other contributors to THE JOURNAL; but sufficient to show untenableness when our fundamental principles are used in refutation of our actions; and it is said, by way of explanation, "Not that I love Cæsar less, but that I love Rome more."

Philadelphia has three union newspapers-two morning and one afternoon; they pay the union scale and better, and work eight hours. By raising the scale on the morning newspapers, Philadelphia succeeded in lowering the wages of its members there working, in the machine branch, $2 a week. This is a sample of the local wisdom of benefit. It is about on a par with the belief that you teach a dog to love you through the medium of brutality. Previous to the adoption of the new scale, the vast majority of this numerical minority was receiving $27 a week, with the scale at $23. Argument was made as to what the result would be;

but the new element of power had been instructed in a new school-nomenclature is wanting in an apt term: but that it possessed an apocryphal and fatuous curriculum, results have indisputably shown. However, they succeeded, in their way, in producing the abortion, and when the time came they pulled the strings, and the puppets moved in

unison.

Yet, when one of the members of that committee was made to drink a draught of his own concoction the nectar had become a toxicant; he hurdled the foreman, invaded the sanctum sanctorum, and emerged-vanquished. His dignity wounded, his value depreciated, and the false ness of his position on the scale laid bare, he forthwith discharged himself, and, like many another poor devil of us, to span the hiatus of inconstant fortune, earned a precarious livelihood with the same contentment that a hoptoad must feel with a small boy and a pin-pointed stick at its back. But when the "unionizing" of Philadelphia was undertaken a new vista opened to his sleepless eyes; he was made the local "it" at $27 a week-not $25, mark you-while the rest of the emancipators were paid on a sliding scale. In fact, there were as many rounds in the wage-ladder as there were men allowed to climb it in order to reach the financial weak-box. This is one way the Philadelphia victors have of proving their belief in a "flat" scale! Another instance of judicious legislation, while in this vein, is the allowing of men to work nine hours one night and deduct one hour the next, yet if they charge overtime they must demand time and a half! The shade of Solomon must be uneasy!

As a furtherance of their plan to safeguard their own interests, they had to keep the truly capable men from obscuring their own counterfeitness; and having little or no faith in the men who put them in power-in fact, no use for them, except between the dawn and dusk of a new election -they went to another city and to another trade to secure aid. This has no reference to the then International organizer sent here, nor is it to be construed as belittling the abilities of the foreigners; but that it was a slur to the membership in general, is stoutly maintained.

The following, taken from a local labor paper (?), practically subsidized by the local disorganizers, used chiefly for the dissemination of slanderous attacks on the executive council, and acting as an advertising solicitor for a local daily, shows how the union papers are being conserved as friends:

"They (the members of No. 2) know that in addition to the Inquirer they must fight all the other newspapers in the city-with possibly one exception-who are allied with the Inquirer because they fear to permit the union to win a victory in Philadelphia." Crediting the employers with average intelligence, and putting two and two together, the reason is evident. The "organizers" must think that submission should be given to them in engrossed form on a silver tray.

Judging from some of the comment in reference to the unadopted constitution which we are threatened by compulsion to accept, unless we see fit

to penitentially prone ourselves before the omnipotent "I" in invocation of merciful judgment for our past indiscretion, amazement at the misunderstanding of the underlying impulsion which vented the autocratic edict makes necessary an epexegesis. The constitution, taken as a whole, with one exception, is acceptable, according to information. The exception follows:

"This union shall levy an assessment Notice of such assessments shall be placed on the monthly circular and action taken at the next stated meeting, • at such hours as the union may designate." By careful reading, it can be seen that the referendum would be nullified in so far as it relates to finances; that is, that assessments could be levied at union meetings without further ado, and those who would perceive the unwisdom of such assessment would be debarred from the cardinal prerogative of voting. It makes one delirious to think of what might have been had this gone through. We hold taxation without representation to be execrable; and yet heed is not given to sophistry, by many who are otherwise conceptive, when its phantom form confronts themselves. The writer disdains didacticism; but it seems that ratiocination would be an invaluable acquirement to those who have not already mastered its simplicity.

Again, to dissolve the haze which seems to envelop the interpretative faculties of some readers, the insistence on the adoption of the new constitution by the president of No. 2 is nursed by the following action, taken on a Saturday afternoon, January, 1904: Mr. Kreft made a motion that the president's salary be raised from $20 to $25 a week, and Mr. Anton offered an amendment, which was adopted (your humble servant being one of two dissidents against the whole proceeding out of a (representative!) assemblage of about twentyfive), that the life of the increase be only until the adoption of the constitution. Thus it will be seen that so long as the president of No. 2 can hoodwink the intellectually blind, just so long can he prevent himself from being divorced from $5 a week. His interest in thus seeking to frustrate the will of the majority is manifest.

As the effulgent James Monroe Kreiter puts it, to think and act accordingly. FRANK W. REED.

THE SCALE REPORT.

J. W. Bramwood, Secretary-Treasurer: DEAR SIR-As a work of reference the scale report just issued has no equal. As I have trav elled extensively both in this country and Europe I think I have the right to express an opinion on the work performed by you.

The Typographical Journal, published in Manchester, England, every month, is a useful journal and contains an abundance of information, but no work has been attempted that can compete with the pamphlet issued by you. The amount of labor it required can only be appreciated by those who peruse it carefully. The information it gives, as I stated above, is of the utmost value to all union DANIEL HORAN.

men.

Brooklyn, N. Y.

CONCERNING PHILADELPHIA.

Having been a member of Philadelphia Typographical Union for about five years and having a great desire to see it a thorough union town, I have been watching the fight of that union for better conditions with a great deal of interest, and as soon as THE JOURNAL has been delivered at my address, I have made a search for the Philadelphia letter. But in the April number there appears a lengthy communication from Philadelphia over the signature of John Meade which I can not thoroughly digest without the aid of John or some one else well informed on the workings of that organization. I agree with him that Philadelphia has stood some hard knocks. Wherever one goes he hears remarks that are not of a complimentary character about the town. And if you happen to be the holder of a Philadelphia traveling card you are looked upon with suspicion to a certain extent. Now, while this knocking is going on on the outside, I must say the ability of some of the "knockers" of No. 2 can not be surpassed. And to be candid about the matter, John has a very large hammer within easy reach (when not within his grasp), as his letters in THE JOURNAL will bear me out.

There has been a number of things that his letters have contained that I did not agree with. He always speaks very enthusiastically of the administration of No. 2, and yet there has always been a question in my mind (and in the minds of many others) why they should be lauded to the skies. What have they done which should call for so much praise? Now there are one or two things, in his statement about the Inquirer, which I would like him to explain. He says at the time of the recent strike on that paper there were only twelve (12) men in good standing in that office. In almost the same breath John says the present good conditions of No. 2 are due to the indefatigable labors of the present local administration. Under the same administration less than four years ago there were fifty-two (52) card men eligible to vote on the Inquirer at an International election. If there has been so much organization work done in Philadelphia under the present local administration it is incomprehensible how No. 2 could have lost so much ground in the Philadelphia Inquirer. Now, during that time the president of No. 2 has also been the organizer. He was also during a great portion of that time a deputy International organizer. And from his reports, while I was a member of No. 2, the membership was led to believe that before the following meeting every month the Inquirer would be a thoroughly union office. But the Inquirer is farther away from the fold today, with the exception of a few days in 1891, than it has ever been during my fifteen years with a typographical union card in my pocket, and with all of that "indefatigable work, early and late." I would like to see Philadelphia a good union town for more than one reason. One reason, for my long stay there and for the benefit of acquaintances and friends that I made while there. Another is that it would benefit the craft throughout the country, for it is a well-known fact that Philadelphia is "the" root of supply of all roots

throughout the country in time of trouble. Therefore, if we could cut off that supply I am satisfied a very large victory would have been won.

I am in favor of the International convention at Toronto this year taking action and providing funds to carry on a campaign for the betterment of Philadelphia. But I do not coincide with the views of "knockers" of the Philadelphia Union and throughout the country against the executive council for the stand they have taken. The executive council refuses to violate the International laws, and instead of upholding them for their honorable stand the "knockers" throughout the country are trying to lead the membership to believe that the executive council has a personal grievance against the administration of No. 2. I believe the executive council is thoroughly honest in the matter, and notwithstanding the means used, refuse to be "bulldozed" by Mr. Kennedy, of Omaha, Shelby Smith, of Philadelphia, Washington, etc., and a few other discontents who are trying to make political capital for the next election.

Mr. Meade says there seems to be no way of organizing that city other than to bring one or more of the newspapers into the union office column. I believed just such a thing about three years ago, while a member of No. 2, when Thomas Wanamaker was reported as the purchaser of the Record. The time was ripe then of all other times, for Mr. Wanamaker was also proprietor of the North American (union), and it was an acknowledged fact that with a little work and also a little money the Record could be reclaimed. The referendum voted on an assessment to make the fight, and it was passed by a majority vote. But those in the minority were not satisfied that they were beaten. They did not want to dig down in their pockets for money, and they threatened to appeal to the International, claiming it should take a twothirds vote. Mr. Calvert, as president of No. 2, became frightened and gave the kickers two more chances to vote on the matter-one at the union meeting and one by the referendum, when the assessment was lost by a small majority, and I believe the opportunity of unionizing the town was lost, without a very long-drawn-out fight and with the expenditure of thousands upon thousands of dollars. I believe if Mr. Calvert had taken a firm stand in giving his decision on the passage of the assessment, which meant the fighting of the Record, that paper would today be a union sheet, and would have been the stepping stone to the unionizing of the town. Today the Record, Press, Inquirer and Bulletin are working together to defeat the union. To gain any ground the administration of Philadelphia will have to harmonize more within and without, and discontinue the political feature that they now have on the pro

gram.

It was my opinion that the Record should have been the stepping stone to the fight for unionizing, but Mr. Meade says in his communication that the Inquirer was chosen without a dissenting voice as the first paper to force into the union. That may have been true, but I am satisfied that there were very few newspaper men in attendance at the meeting, for the chance for a representative meet

ing of newspaper men was knocked out when Mr. Calvert gained his object to change the time of meeting from Sunday afternoon until Monday night, he claiming that his religious belief would not allow him to attend meetings on Sunday. It is every one's privilege to believe what he pleases, but I do not think it right to compel others to do

So.

Since that time there have been no representative meetings of the newspaper branch, and every one knows when it comes to voting on something that affects the newspaper men you can not have a representative meeting of newspaper men on Monday night or any other night, therefore the meeting would be packed with book and job men to legislate for newspaper men. And that is what has happened in Philadelphia a number of times.

Mr. Meade tells us of the different offices that No. 2 has gained under the present administration. I hope they have all of those offices in, good and hard, but up to a short time ago several of them had a shady way of transacting business with union men.

He says further that it has only been within the past three or four years that the practice has been stopped of allowing union men to work in open shops for less than the scale. Well, there have been different stories told about that matter-the privileges allowed in different offices, etc.-in less time than that. It has been only about a year ago, or a little over, that a member went to a union meeting and made a protest against the allowing of certain men to work for any old wages at an office on Tenth street, and he was immediately pounced upon and fired out. The police patrol was even sent for. At that time the protesting member was working in the office, and claimed that the officers of the union sent men in there to work for what they could get.

No doubt there will be plenty said by the friends of the administration of No. 2 in reference to this letter, but it is my candid opinion that if the International Typographical Union should hand over every dollar it could get together to the administration of Philadelphia Union they could not unionize the town. It is a hard fight at the best, and before No. 2 ever controls the town it will be necessary for its officers to try to work harmoniously with the International officers and its own membership.

There are quite a number of former members of No. 2 in this town at the present time that are of the same opinion as I. Philadelphia has a chance of regaining her lost ground only by conducting union affairs in a far different way than they are conducted at the present time.

New York, April 10.

WILLIAM MOUNCE.

HOW MUCH have our present day champions of individual liberty invested in the bodies of their workers? Not a cent! What right have they, then, to interfere with the individual liberty of their workmen? His labor is the property of the worker. He has a right to sell it as an individual or as part of a great business organization. But if his acts as an individual are a menace to thousands of his fellows, he becomes an offender against the law of justice and self-preservation.-Stuart Reid.

PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST WITH THE LOS ANGELES TIMES.

LOS ANGELES, CAL., March, 1905. To the Officers and Members of the International Typographical Union of North America: LADIES AND GENTLEMEN-Realizing that the membership at large is keenly interested in the contest we are waging against the Los Angeles Times, the committee having in charge the conduct of this movement believes it proper that those who are defraying the expense should, from time to time, be apprised of the conditions obtaining and the progress made.

For refusing to accept a 20 per cent wage reduction, the Los Angeles Times locked out its union printers August 5, 1890. An aggressive fight on the part of Los Angeles Typographical Union No. 174 was brought to a conclusion by an agreement between the union and the representative of the Times, whereby H. G. Otis was to unionize his newspaper within a specified time. This agreement was flagrantly repudiated by Otis, and since that time many determined efforts have been made to unionize the Times, but without success, owing to lack of finances.

At the Birmingham convention of the International Typographical Union, the delegate from Los Angeles, acting under instructions, requested the executive council to select a representative to take charge of the movement that had recently been inaugurated by No. 174 to unionize the Times. The council referred the matter to President Lynch.

Arthur A. Hay was selected for this work. He arrived in Los Angeles October 31, 1901.

At that date the local union had less than 150 dues-paying members, and less than $1,000 with which to defray the expense of the impending struggle. The local members were being assessed from $5 to $8 per month.

On or about January 1, 1902, an appeal was made to sister unions, setting forth the inability of No. 174 to finance, without assistance, the contest with the Times. As a result of this appeal, many typographical unions on the Pacific coast, and several in other portions of the jurisdiction, forwarded regular contributions for months, the total sum thus contributed amounting to $2,755.92.

The executive council of the International Typographical Union contributed $250 for the months, each, of April, May, June, July and August, 1902, and $500 for the months each, of September, October, November and December of the same year. One thousand dollars was ad

vanced for January and February, 1903, this amount later being deducted from the first installment of the Los Angeles five-cent assessment fund. This fund was proposed at the Cincinnati convention, and the proposition was adopted by an overwhelming majority when submitted to the membership in November, 1903.

The Los Angeles five-cent assessment fund amounted to $26,350.11. The first installment reached Los Angeles March 6, 1903. The fund was exhausted September 26, 1904.

At the St. Louis convention (page 180, proceed