a complete change and the social order has been so modified that a horrible catastrophe appears to threaten us. What has happened to produce so violent a transformation? I know of nothing other than your resignation from the Cabinet."

As Gómez told it himself, he was in the habit of getting up at six o'clock in the morning. After a visit to the palace barber, he went through some exercises, took a shower bath, and had a light breakfast at half past seven of fruit and coffee. It was at this time that he looked over the newspapers, afterward reading a book until nine. At nine he went to his office, looked over his correspondence, answered some letters and gave directions how to answer the others, and received his Secretaries and the various individuals who had been granted an audience. Between visits he wrote his own daily impressions, which, however, he never intended to publish. At twelve o'clock he took his almuerzo, or heavy breakfast, as the Hispanic noon meal is called, and afterwards slept for an hour. Then he glanced at the afternoon papers and played billiards, a game that he very much enjoyed, and later read books until six. At that hour he dressed for the evening and received private visits until dinner-time, which was usually at eight. Dinner over, he played tresillo, a game of cards (involving gambling and requiring much skill), in which he regarded himself as quite expert. Then, after his already mentioned excursion into demography, he retired. His occasional fishing trips to Cayo Cristo have already been mentioned. He also acquired a fine country estate which he called "Finca América", to which he retired from time to time. According to his opponents, who dubbed this place "the palace of the thousand and one nights", he lived there in oriental splendor, but Lozano Casado insists that there was no ostentation there of any sort.

Such was the life of José Miguel Gómez, one of the most attractive, if also by no means the best, of the figures in the history of the Cuban republic."

For this account of Gómez's daily life, see Lozano Casado, especially at pp. 36-41, 45-59, and 90-95. See note

66

at the end of the next chapter for a discussion of materials in general concerning Gómez's presidency.

CHAPTER XIII

POLITICAL HAPPENINGS OF THE GÓMEZ ERA

THE principal question about which everything political revolved in the Gómez period was whether José Miguel would seek reëlection in 1912. If one could have relied upon his public statements there was no reason to believe that he would. He had agreed to support Zayas in 1912 at the time when the two branches of the Liberal party joined together for the elections of 1908,1 and in the platform which he published to the country in September 22 of that year he spoke against reëlection.2 In a statement of January 28, 1911, he said:

"I wish to have the honor of being the first who is opposed to his own reëlection; I wish to give that example to my people. That is what I understand to be prudent, foreseeing, and patriotic.""

And in a public letter of April 25, 1912, to General Machado he again remarked that he was not a candidate.1

This was one of those instances, however, where all the world knew that a "changed situation" would arise to make him become a candidate, in case he could conveniently arrange it. Anyway, he allowed his friends to support him for the nomination, and the Zayas wing of the party broke away from him because of the moral certainty that Gómez

intended to run for a second term. It is true, too, that there were moments of something mildly like persecution of Zayas followers, and it is said that the United States government warned Gómez not to seek reëlection. Even after that, it is claimed, he persisted, and assertions are made that the revolutionary tendencies during his administration had more than a little encouragement from the President, who hoped that the "necessities" of the situation might require him to reside in the palace for another four years. The evidence of Gómez partisans to the same effect,-at least in private conversation,-is also so overwhelming in amount that it may be considered a fact that the President's anti-reëlection promises meant nothing at all. This fits in with the political happenings of the period.

6

Surely there was little cordiality or team-work between Gómez and Zayas during the former's presidency. Gómez lived up to the pact of 1908 in appointing four Zayas partisans to his Cabinet and several more to other high posts, but there were some protests over the distribution of the lesser jobs. Gómez supporters rarely, if ever, had a good word for Zayas," and the President himself expressed a very unfavorable opinion of his rival, admitting his own opposition to him in 1912, despite earlier promises to support him, for the "situation had changed." The most famous incident illustrating Gómez's "disapproval" of Zayas partisans came up in connection with the outstanding figure of the

28, 1909.

See Havana Post, Jan. Lozano calls him an "apostate,” and refers to his "Machiavellism" and his "diabolical machinations." Lozano Casado, 18.

* Kennedy, W M, The revo- announced. lution in Cuba, in Living age, v. CCLXXVI, pp. 463-468, at 467-468; Feb. 22, 1913. Also, Vasconcelos, 1314. On the very first day of Gómez's term it is said that Zayas protested against some of the dismissals from office that the President had already

8

Gómez to Ferrara, July 15, 1912, quoted in Lozano Casado, 68, and Gómez, Manifiesto, also in Lozano Casado, 73-75, at 75.

Revolution of August, General "Pino" Guerra, now become commander-in-chief of the Cuban army. "Pino" was known to be a Zayas follower, and the affair was complicated by the fact that General Monteagudo, who was perhaps nearer to Gómez than any other man, wanted the headship of the army for himself. For the time being, Monteagudo commanded the rural guards, which were maintained as a separate body. Personally, "Pino" and Gómez were very good friends, and the former often went to the palace to have a game of cards or billiards with his chief. On the night of October 22, 1910, as he was leaving the palace after the usual friendly game, he was attacked and fired upon by some assassins, who had been hired for this purpose, so it is said, by Gómez himself. The intended victim was not killed, but was wounded in the leg. Shortly afterward he resigned his command, and, as already related, was succeeded by General Monteagudo, under whom the rural guards were added to the regular forces.

It is impossible to prove Gómez's connection with this incident, but it was one of those things that everybody knew and admitted. The following is a statement made to the writer by a Gómez partisan,-one of several that might be given:

"Gómez was afraid that 'Pino,' as head of the army, might influence the elections or even start a revolution in favor of Zayas. He therefore tried to get rid of him decently by offering him a rich mission to Europe. But 'Pino' refused to go. So something else happened! The names of those who attempted to kill 'Pino' were perfectly well known. The case against them was not 'proved,' however, although everybody knew it was true and that Gómez was back of it."

Naturally, Gómez expressed great "indignation", and an "absolute confidence" that the guilty would be punished, 'Message to Congress of Nov. 7, 273-283, at 274.

1910, in Mensajes presidenciales, I,