20 Menocal went through the ceremony of inaugural for a second term, taking the oath to "respect the law and the institutions of the country." Thus were the elections of 1917 brought to their "logical" conclusion! 62 The elections of 1916 and more particularly their sequel the Revolution of February have a vast body of materials comparable in quantity with the parallel period of 1905-1906. Trelles mentions a number of items, but there are two that stand out. One of these is the volume by Cabrera, which is an engaging literary work as well as a valuable source-book for the events of 1916-1917. This is a narrative of Cabrera's own experiences as a Liberal emissary in the United States, but in writing it, says Cabrera, "I present the picture of what surrounds me: the medium of my struggles and sufferings, the individuals, the collectivity, the complete scene of my own legend." Cabrera writes as a Liberal partisan, not as a historian, but there is a note of sincerity that is impossible to escape, and the volume (especially the second edition, which the writer used) is so well bolstered with documents in appendices and footnotes that it takes rank as one of the leading works in the field of Cuban historiography. On the other hand, one finds a presentation from the Conser vative point of view in the Merino and Ibarzábal history. This makes a pretence of impartiality, though it is in fact a rather crudely partisan Menocal pamphlet. But it is the only work that covers these exciting years as a whole, and it introduces documentary evidence and a point of view which serve as a check on Liberal accounts. The greater part of this volume (pages 89 to 287 of the second edition) is devoted to the period of the war, with a detailed story of the campaigns. All other books and pamphlets referring to these years are of a highly specialized character, such as personal reminiscences, legal briefs, arguments, and the like. Naturally, with a disputed election and a civil war to deal with, there are many articles on Cuban affairs at this time. Among the most important in American periodicals is the one by Marvin, cited here, while there were a number of other formal articles or editorial utterances worthy of at least some attention. Johnson, IV, 328-345, has a chapter on this subject, but it is not too well informed. CHAPTER XVII GOING DOWN: MENOCAL'S SECOND TERM, 1917-1921 THE inauguration of Menocal for a second term on May 20, 1917, in a sense marked a new turn in the history of the republic. Down to this time, although matters had been getting steadily worse, there had been something commendable in each administration and not a few reputable men, greatly outnumbered to be sure, in the field of politics. But from 1917 on, at least to May 20, 1925, it is hard to find anything good to say about anybody or anything in the conduct of the Cuban state. If some honest and capable citizens still held important government posts, they were without influence and almost without voice to check the rapidly growing evils in Cuban affairs. Menocal himself seems to have changed from the man of high purposes who took over the presidential toga in 1913, or at least to have become reconciled to a corrupt ambient which he had at first decried. At the outset of Menocal's new term Cuba found herself in the midst of the great World War. It would hardly be claimed by anybody that Cuba "won the war" or that she contributed very substantially to the result, but her achievement was respectable. In his message of April 6 Menocal took the same position as that already announced by President Wilson against unrestricted submarine warfare, but he also made a special point of the republic's close ties with the United States, holding that Cuba could not, "without loss of dignity and decorum, show indifference to the noble attitude assumed by the United States." He went on to explain that Cuba could not remain neutral, as that would compel her to treat all belligerents alike, which should not be done as against the United States, her "friend and ally." Four German steamers in Havana and two more at other ports were at once seized by the Cuban government and turned over to the United States. On the score of the "conduct of the war" in Cuba, matters were handled very much as they were in the neighboring republic to the north, minus a great deal of the excitement. Under the leadership of the President's wife, Red Cross work was organized. Cuba contributed generously to the United States Liberty loans. There were the various meatless and wheatless days. Some Cuban officers went to United States training camps, while several camps were also established in Cuba. A hospital unit of a hundred doctors and nurses was despatched to France. The American, French, and Belgian national holidays (July 4, 14, and 21) were observed in Cuba. The United States declaration of war against Austria was followed by a Cuban declaration of December 16, 1917, specifically because of the United States action. There were numerous resounding pronouncements of Cuban accord with the United States. And finally, first among the nations of the world, Cuba in 1923 paid her war debt to the United States; it amounted to less than seven million dollars, but payment was in full.2 The one really important achievement of Cuba in the war was in vastly increasing the output of sugar, which was an indispensable product for the allies. To be sure, a very 'The Menocal message is in Merino and Ibarzábal, 244-247. A portion of it in an English translation is in Johnson, IV, 346-348. 'For an account of Cuba's participation in the war, see an article by Menocal, Cuba's part in the World War, in Current history, v. IX, pt. I, pp. 315-318; Nov., 1918. There is also a highly laudatory chapter in Johnson, IV, 346-354. good price was obtained, though not so high as it might have been, without government intervention. There was some talk of sending an army of twenty-five thousand men to France, but transports were lacking, and the question was raised whether Cubans would be adapted to the rigorous winter climate of northern France. There was no overwhelming enthusiasm for the idea, anyway. At least one man in public life wished to do something, however. This was Fernando Ortiz, among the most notable scholars that the republic has produced and at that time one of the few really estimable men in the House. Ortiz wanted to send at least a small Cuban force to Europe, if only as a symbol of an active participation in the conflict, and brought in a bill to that effect. Congress voted the bill, but the troops were never sent. A universal military service law was enacted in the summer of 1918, but the war was over before any practical result came of it. 3 The truth is, most of the "war measures" in Cuba were primarily concerned with local affairs. It was not at all improbable that there might have been another uprising, and there was always the possibility of damage to the sugar crop. In 1917 Menocal asked the Washington government to send some troops to Cuba, and in consequence about sixteen hundred men were landed in Oriente and a thousand in Camagüey. Not until 1922 were these men withdrawn.* In like manner it is often asserted that the military law of 1918 was in fact a protective measure against the Liberals, but a complete farce so far as the World War was concerned. Furthermore, Menocal retained the extraordinary powers that were granted to him in consequence of the Revolution of February and the declaration of war against Germany, and was a virtual dictator to the end of his rule, Cf. infra, p. 636. 'Trelles, Biblioteca, II, 125. legislating by decree and otherwise conducting himself as an all-powerful, irresponsible head of the state. Nothing was more irksome to the Cubans than this phase of his government, and the President was bitterly condemned for it by his opponents, both during his administration and afterward. Early in 1919, for example, Carlos Mendieta wrote a celebrated editorial for Heraldo de Cuba entitled "Good-bye, dictatorship!" (¡Adios, dictadura!), basing it on the rumor that the United States had "turned her eyes toward Cuba," with the idea of having fair elections in 1920. Mendieta's article was a most sweeping, if also extravagant, denunciation of the Menocal government, and got him into trouble with the authorities. He was haled into court and fined five hundred dollars for insulting the President. Immediately a popular subscription was started to reimburse Mendieta, with contributions limited to a penny apiece. Mendieta called the Menocal rule a "classic and vulgar dictatorship," with nothing of positive achievement in its favor such as had served in some measure to excuse the despotism of a Porfirio Díaz of Mexico. He charged Menocal with responsibility for "the almost complete abandonment of public services, without excepting education and the highways, the greater part of which are impassable, just as if we might be in the primitive days of neighborhood roads." This assertion is supported in the writings of men like Carlos Trelles, who cannot be accused of violent partisanship. Trelles pointed out that education in Cuba had steadily declined since the beginning of the century, Cf. Ibid., II, 122. "The Mendieta article first appeared in Heraldo de Cuba on Jan. 29, 1919, and was republished, with comments, on May 19, 1919. The story of the trial was given in an extra of Feb. 3, 1919, and the regular issue of the following day. |