to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims of Democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment.

10. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for except in the practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom national; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom; and by leaving to the States the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugitives from service.

11. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and that, as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself.

12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted in limited quantities, free of cost, to landless settlers.

13. That a due regard for the federal Constitution and a sound administrative policy demands that the funds of the general government be kept separate from banking institutions; that inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public debt; and that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished, by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, salaries, and privileges, and by the election, by the people, of all civil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be consistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business.

14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations or among the several States, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for the same.

15. That emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the New; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens and owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with inflexible determination.

16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own government, and to administer its own concerns, in such a manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people; and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous violation of the laws of nations, against which all independent

governments should protest, and endeavor by all proper means to prevent; and especially is it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent, the intervention of kings and emperors against nations seeking to establish for themselves republican or constitutional governments.

17. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognized by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on a footing of the most favored nation.

18. That as, by the Constitution, the "citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other States, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing the exercise of the right to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other States, utterly inconsistent with the professions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every State in the Union.

19. That we recommend the introduction into all treaties hereafter to be negotiated between the United States and foreign nations, of some provision for the amicable settlement of diffi culties by a resort to decisive arbitration.

20. That the Free Democratic party is not organized to aid either the Whig or the Democratic wing of the great slave-compromise party of the nation, but to defeat them both; and that, repudiating and renouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly unworthy of confidence, the purpose of the Free Democracy is to take possession of the federal government, and administer it for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole people.

21. That we inscribe on our banner, "Free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men!" and under it will fight on and fight ever until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.

22. That upon this platform the convention presents to the American people as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States, George W. Julian of Indiana, and earnestly commends them to the support of all free men and all parties.

The canvass was not a spirited one. All the early autumn elections were favorable to the Democrats, and the result in November was a crushing defeat of the Whigs in the popular vote and one still more decisive in the electoral vote. Thirty

one States took part in the election, California having been admitted to the Union September 9, 1850. A new apportionment, based on the census of 1850, changed the number of electoral votes of many of the States. The popular and electoral votes were as follows:

* A Webster ticket received 5324 votes in Georgia; an independent Pierce ticket, 5811 ↑ Massachusetts gave Webster 1670 votes. + Electors appointed by the legislature.

ELECTORAL

VOTE.

Scott and Graham.

XX

THE NEW REPUBLICAN PARTY

THE election of 1852 gave a death-blow to the Whig party. That organization had outlived its usefulness. It was unable to cope with the one vital issue of the day, that of slavery in the Territories. The Democratic party was controlled by its Southern contingent; the Whig by its Northern members. Both parties declared that the question was decided by the compromises of 1850, and was eliminated from politics. Although the extremists of the South had opposed the measures, they speedily began to assume that the settlement was a concession of their own contention, and to bring forward propositions which would make the introduction of slavery into the Territories easy and its exclusion therefrom impossible. In this view of the matter they were, in a certain sense, sustained by the anti-slavery men of the North, who, while they resisted the new measures and declared them to be a violation of the agreement, continued to denounce the acts of 1850 as a surrender to the slaveholders. The Southern leaders put forth the proposition that the natural right of every American citizen permitted him to settle in any Territory, with his property of every kind, including slaves, and entitled him to protection of that property; that no power was or could be given to a territorial government to exclude slavery; and that only when the people came together to form a state constitution could the power originate to decide whether slavery should or should not be allowed to exist. Events in Kansas and elsewhere led ultimately to a division of the Democratic party. Senator Douglas held that the people of a Territory had the power to exclude slavery. This was his doctrine of "popular sovereignty," or "squatter sovereignty," as its opponents called it. In one or the other form the principle was adopted by the Democratic party, although it was rejected in both forms by a great body of its Northern members. The Northern Whig party was overwhelmingly against the extension of slavery,

but it could not so declare itself without self-destruction. To do so would at once drive out of the party almost all its Southern supporters; it would alienate a great many Northern men whom an apprehension of the terrible consequences of a sectional issue rendered timid; and at the same time it would draw into the party neither the anti-slavery Democrats, who differed from the Whigs on every question save this, nor the Abolitionists, who went much further in opposition to slavery than either Whigs or Democrats could go.

The only course left open for the Whig party was to delude itself and to attempt to delude the country by asserting that the slavery issue was decided. This was merely to live in the past, to abandon the true function of an opposition. The government was controlled by a party which, in spite of its protestations to the contrary, supported the aggression of the slave interest. The Whig party failed in the South because it made the contest on an issue in which the people were not interested; in the North because it had not the courage to avow opinions which a large majority of the party held. But the Whig pretence, that the slavery question was settled by the compromise measures of 1850, was kept up for some years longer, until it became no longer possible to practise selfdeception.

The delusion soon after the election of 1852 took a new phase. Native Americanism had been a favorite doctrine in certain parts of the North for many years, and of late it had been a growing sentiment. It was confined to no party; and the political method of those who believed in the principle. that "Americans must rule America," and who were animated by hostility to the Roman Catholic Church, was to choose between candidates already nominated. Occasionally, in the cities of New York and Philadelphia, they nominated candidates of their own, and succeeded in electing them to local offices. The membership was carefully guarded; for the societies were secret, and the initiated were bound by oaths. The order which existed before 1850 was superseded, early in Pierce's administration, by a new one, the Order of United Americans, which became popularly known as the KnowNothing Order, from the ignorance, even of the existence of such an association, which was professed by all its members. A large number of the Whigs, hoping to transfer the political issue from slavery to Native Americanism, joined the order,