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senators of such political party whose term of office extends be yond January of the year next ensuing, and the chairmen of the county committees of the several counties of the state," and this general assemblage of chosen party representatives is charged with the task of drafting the state platform.

VIII. The extensive use of money in elections by candidates and committees, and the notorious instances of large and significant contributions by corporations and private persons, led to a widespread belief that party machinery was merely an adjunct of special interests, while the victor at the polls, to reverse the ancient dictum, belonged to the spoils. It availed nothing, it was argued, to secure to the rank and file legal rights in the selection of delegates and candidates if the militant section of the party continued under the dominance of corporations; and thus the control of money in elections has become the latest phase in the development of the legislative regulation of political parties. Four distinct types of provisions have been devised to secure this control: (a) regulation of expenditures of candidates; (b) definition and limitation of the financial powers of committees; (c) restriction or prohibition of contributions by corporations; (d) definition of the objects for which money may be spent. The tendencies in legislative control of financial operations of parties are clearly revealed in the statutes of New York, which, for the sake of brevity, will alone be considered here.1

1. Restrictions on candidates. The law of New York limits to a definite sum the amount which each candidate for an elective office may spend and compels him to file within twenty days after the election a sworn statement giving in detail all his receipts and expenditures. Failure or refusal to comply is treated as a misdemeanor and also punishable by the forfeiture of office.

2. Control of political committees. The law defines a political committee as every committee or combination of three or more persons coöperating to aid or promote the success or defeat of a political party or principle or of any proposition submitted to vote

1 In the development of this type of legislative control New York led the way in 1890 by the enactment of an ineffectual law requiring candidates to report expenditures but leaving committees free. Between 1890 and 1905 no less than fifteen states adopted restrictive measures, usually denominated "Corrupt Practices Acts," and step by step the grand outlines and minor details of a complete scheme of supervision were placed on the statute books. See Senate Document, No. 86, 59th Congress, 1st Sess., pp. 5-10.

at a public election or to aid or take part in the election or defeat of a candidate for public office. Every such committee must have a treasurer and require him to keep detailed accounts of all money or its equivalent received or promised, and of all expenditures, disbursements, and promises to pay made by the committee. All payments in excess of $5 must be receipted by vouchers showing the amount and object of the expenditure. Within twenty days after the election a statement must be filed, setting forth all the receipts, expenditures, disbursements, and liabilities of the committee, and of every officer, member, or other person acting in its behalf. In each case the statement must include the amount received, the name of the person or committee from whom it was received, the date of its receipt, the amount of every expenditure exceeding $5, the name of the person or committee to whom it was made, and the date. Except in cases where the expenditure is to another committee, the purpose of the disbursement must be clearly stated.

3. Prohibition of corporation contributions. The law regulating corporation contributions, as amended in 1906 (chap. 239) provides that no corporation or joint stock association doing business in the state (except political associations) shall directly or indirectly pay, offer, or use, consent or agree to pay or use any money or property for or in aid of any political party, committee, or organization maintained for political purposes. Aid to candidates for nomination or for office is likewise forbidden as well as all contributions for any political purpose whatever. Violation of the statute by any officer, director, stockholder, attorney, or agent is a misdemeanor punishable by imprisonment for one year and a fine of not more than $1000. No person is excused from testifying or producing evidence on the ground of incrimination, but immunity is assured in such cases.1

4. Definition of the objects of campaign expenditures. The culmination of this system of control is to be found in the rather precise definition of the objects for which money may be used in connection with elections. The New York statute of 1906 (chap. 503, sect. 1) includes the following list: rent of halls and expenses connected with public meetings, preparation and publication of various "literary material," compensation for agents to prepare

1 See also the federal law, approved January 26, 1907, forbidding corporations to make contributions in connection with federal elections.

and supervise articles and advertisements for the press, payment of newspapers for publishing materials, rent of offices and club rooms, compensation of clerks, agents, and attorneys managing the "reasonable business of elections," preparation of lists of voters, personal expenses of candidates, travelling expenses, compensation of workers at the polls, and the hire of carriages. Indeed, this act goes into such detail that it appears to the laymen in politics as an insurmountable barrier to illegal election expenditures; but probably to the eye of an experienced election worker there are plenty of loopholes.

The most unique experiment for controlling party funds was devised by the legislature of Colorado in 1909 by the passage of an act declaring that "the expenses of conducting campaigns to elect state, district, and county officers at general elections shall be paid only by the state and by the candidates." It is made a felony for any other person or any corporation to contribute to any party committee or any candidate for these offices and also it is a felony for any candidate or committee to accept such a contribution. The amount of money which the candidates may themselves personally contribute and expend is regulated by the salaries or fees of the offices for which they are respectively candidates. In addition, the state contributes to each political party twenty-five cents for every vote cast by that party for governor at the last preceding 'election. The amount is paid over to the state chairman of each party who is made responsible under bond for the proper distribution of this money among the county chairmen in accordance with the strength of the local vote, and also for the proper expenditure of the funds so contributed by the state.1

Non-Partisan Politics

While strongly emphasizing the place of party government in American politics the influence of non-partisan organizations should by no means be lost sight of. The non-partisan or independent vote is often the really decisive element, particularly in those cases in which the two great parties are more or less evenly divided; and there is no doubt that there is an everincreasing proportion of the voters who are independent of party

1 Digest by Professor Leon E. Aylsworth in the American Political Science Review, August, 1909, p. 382.

organization. In many a national election an appeal has been made to the non-partisan voter. The first Republican platform of 1856 invited the affiliation and cooperation of the men of all politics, and the platform of 1860, after enunciating the principles of the party, appealed for "the coöperation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support." The Democrats in 1876 appealed to their "fellow-citizens of every former political connection"; and from that day to this the independent element of the nation has not been overlooked in national campaigns.

However, it is in local, and especially municipal, politics that the non-partisan or independent element is strongest. In every great city there is a non-partisan citizens' organization of one form or another. In 1896, the Municipal Voters' League of Chicago was founded to fight corruption in the government of that city. The League is composed of voters scattered throughout the city who express their approval of its purpose and methods by signing cards. The purpose of the League is not the establishment of a new party but the concentration of public opinion and public scrutiny upon the candidates nominated by the other parties. It is, in a word, a publicity committee: prior to each city election it maintains headquarters into which pour suggestions for nominations and criticisms of city officials; as soon as candidates are announced or nominated it sends letters of inquiry to them in order to ascertain what stand they intend to take if elected; and through the campaign it endeavors to secure the widest publicity with regard to the character and policies of the various candidates. It has undoubtedly wielded some influence for good in the city, and party managers in selecting candidates in many wards in the city can no longer ignore its recommendations.

The non-partisan organization of New York is the Citizens' Union, a group of persons united without regard to party for the purpose of securing the honest and efficient government of the city of New York by the nomination and election of candidates or by indorsing the nominations of regular parties whose character and policy the Union can approve. The Citizens' Union, however, differs from the Municipal Voters' League in being a sort of political party with officers, committees, and conventions modeled somewhat on the plan of the older parties. By uniting with the Republican party, which is in a minority in New York

City, it was able in 1901 to contribute powerfully to the election of Mr. Seth Low as mayor; but it was unsuccessful in the next mayoralty contest, and since that time has confined its work largely to political education and the indorsement or nomination. of candidates for minor offices.

Cambridge, Massachusetts, formerly had an organization known as the Library Hall Association. It stood for the principle of non-partisanship in municipal politics but was not a political organization itself—that is, it did not attempt to create political machinery like that established by the Citizens' Union. At first the representatives of the association attended the sessions of the city council and a record of all the members of the council was published in the local newspapers and in pamphlet form. The failure of the voters to take an interest in this work of publication led the association to abandon it and adopt the plan of holding meetings immediately before the city elections for. the purpose of scrutinizing the candidates nominated by the various parties and groups. At this meeting the names of all the candidates were discussed and the association decided upon the men it would support. In some instances, however, it made nominations of its own. The association thus prepared a slate of its own and waged a campaign in its support. This association, however, finally went to pieces; and its place has been taken by a "Non-partisan Municipal Party" which is for all practical purposes an organized party, but it is opposed to bringing national issues into city politics.

1 See article in Municipal Affairs, Vol. IV, p. 363, June, 1900.

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