at odd moments without sacrificing time. And they do study again and again as much as anyone could. reasonably wish. We try to time special exhibits when there are unusual gatherings at the Normal School or in the community. Notices in the local press apprise the public of the particular attraction. That the public is interested is manifest. Not long ago the Woman's Club held a session in the Normal Auditorium. Before and after the session upwards of two hundred people visited the special exhibit and the museum proper. Last summer the Commercial Club held a merchants' picnic in a neighboring park. During the day fully five hundred people visited our collections. We are just inaugurating a new kind of special display. Every now and then we shall put out in our exhibition hall those articles which have been d acquired during the preceding two or three months. Of course, there will be no unitary idea back of the array, but it will afford visitors a chance to give the articles a once over before they go into the general collection. It will also doubtless stimulate some to make contributions to the museum. We endeavor to apply the special exhibit idea out in the community as well as at the Normal School. On a number of public occasions we have made special displays of material appropriate to the occasion. On one of its social evenings the Commercial Club had short addresses on Mexico. We took down a case well filled with articles from Mexico which attracted a good deal of attention. A children's missionary meeting was enlivened by an array of things from mission lands. Occasionally we have a small collection of more than usually interesting material in the show window of some of the local stores. These instances are typical of others of a similar nature in which we seek to serve the public. In passing, we may remark that the press of our city is extremely liberal toward our enterprise. Every few days there is something of interest pertaining to the museum. Sometimes it may be only a paragraph. Often it is a column or more. Our special exhibits are always liberally noticed. Of course, this attention very materially extends the usefulness of the museum and helps to make it a bond A CORNER OF THE MUSEUM. A CORRIDOR DISPLAY OF OLD COOKING IMPLEMENTS. between the school and the community. The Commercial Club, too, helps by issuing a little leaflet which is sent out by the business men of our city by the ten thousand. It enumerates among the attractions of DeKalb, the Normal Museum of History." Some Another method of putting the museum to use is to take an object or series of objects as the basis of public address. Just at present we are giving a number of talks on the evolution of weapons to the general assembly of normal school students and training school pupils. We have fifty or more articles, ranging from the rude war club of the South Sea islander up to the modern breech-loading rifle. About all the important stages of development are represented except the match-lock musket. specimens are rare, such as a deer's rib with a flint arrowhead still imbedded in it, and such as a paper cartridge of Civil War times. It is hard to tell who are most interested in the exhibition and accompanying remarks-faculty, students or primary pupils. It is a capital illustration of how a comparatively uninteresting subject may be illumined and made understandable even to children by the use of concrete material. In a literary way the museum is largely used. Its stores afford the subject for many themes in the classes in English. The whole senior class of upwards of one hundred fifty members recently was required to get its inspiration for its weekly theme from the museum. A whole number of the " Northern Illinois," the school paper, was devoted not long ago to the same topic. The "Norther," the student annual, gives liberal space to the same thing. It is needless to say that these things lead to a widespread and an attentive study of the museum collections. It may be wondered what we do with our museum from the ordinary viewpoint as a repository and place of display of historical material. Here also we endeavor to obtain the maximum service. First, the museum rooms are always open. The doors are not only not locked, but also never closed. Whenever the Normal building is open, anyone can visit the museum. Secondly, we are very careful to so arrange the material that all objects on display may be seen. We have observed that in most museums, except the largest, where they are not limited as to space, many things are so placed as to be seen with difficulty if at all. We would store things entirely out of sight, and exhibit them only occasionally, rather than have them only partially visible all the time. In the third place, we try to so group objects and to so label them that they will be self-explanatory. By so doing we enable every visitor to obtain knowledge as well as entertainment from his visit. We have already indicated the attention our special exhibits receive from school and public. But when there is nothing out of the ordinary to see, the number of visitors is gratifying. There is hardly an hour in the day when someone is not wandering about the rooms-mostly students, of course, but also many others. On a recent Saturday we were at our office PROFESSOR PAGE AND A CORNER OF THE MUSEUM. most of the forenoon. It is necessary to pass the office door in going to the museum. It is safe to say that there were at least fifty visitors, although there was nothing unusual to attract them. We discover that a good many get in Saturday afternoon, although only a rear door of the building is open, and only the caretakers are there. Even on Sundays a good many gain admittance through the courtesy of the superintendent of the building, or of members of the faculty who have keys. We trust that by this time it may be inferred what is our notion of a museum. Our ideal of a museum is a room spacious enough and amply supplied with shelves and cases for all of a collection, but with everything empty. We would have everything out at work all the time in the schoolroom or in special exhibits. Why? Because in this manner a museum may be a mighty aid in making the past ages live again, which is the chief function of the teacher of history. This reminds us of our text for this sermon," which we forgot at the beginning, but which will do as well for closing. The historian fondly imagines his great trouble is to find the truth of the Past. Simple-hearted creature! His supreme difficulty is to make the Past thinkable." 2 PAGE GOES INTO CLOTHING LINE History Teacher at the Normal Has Most Clever Exhibit Wearables of All Periods and All Lands Are Shown in Novel Collection in the Museum of History Few normal schools have a museum of history, and some of those that have make little use of their collections. That of the local Normal School is distinguished from most others by the very active use which is made of the material. Special exhibits are one of the means by which its resources are put to use. At the present time there is on display in the east corridor on the second floor of the main building an exhibit of articles showing how men of other times and of other climes have solved the problem of apparel. Here is a series of small models (or dolls) showing the dress of various classes in China and Korea. The bamboo sweat-jacket and sweat-cuffs from Korea are curious. Eighteen kinds of footwear from three continents and nine different countries, the oldest article dating back to 1778, indicate a surprising vanity in this line. A baby hood, bonnets, an old lady's cap, three kinds of Korean hats, a Mexican sombrero and reproduction of a Middle Age helmet show the head covering of men. Handwrought wedding veils of a hundred years ago and a wedding vest of cream colored silk of sixty years ago, and a Korean bridegroom's hat appeal to sentiment. A man's shawl of Civil War times, a "Wide Awake" cap and cape, a Mexican rain-coat, and a poncho from the Spanish-Americas exhibit a variety of top coats. Thomas S. Murray's service uniform worn in the Porto Rico campaign, displayed "life size," has been promptly dubbed "Dannie Deever" by the students. Old brass buttons, a pewter button, Filipino buttons made from oyster shells, clam shells with the holes in them made by cutting out disks for pearl buttons, and an encyclopedia of 1765, with a full-page cut, showing the old process of making buttons by hand, constitute an interesting chapter on buttons. Bracelets, wrought of hair, earrings, an immense amber back comb, bamboo combs from China, and a Filipino necklace are from the realm of feminine ornamentation. A Chinese fan, a Korean fan, and some "sweet girl" graduate fans give some indication of the evolution of the cooling Silk "visiting" aprons reveal the social proclivities of our grandmothers. Bustles of varying sizes and hoop skirts show the frivolities of a generation ago. There are spectacles of colonial days and some not so old, but still queer, as well as a pair from Korea. Native fabrics from Hawaii and the Philippines attract attention. 2 N. W. Stephenson in Drama, May, 1912, p. 202. A series of fashion plates goes back as far as 1790. One of 1894 is about as curious as any in the list. A dry goods è price list of 1864, with present-day prices in the margin, reveals some rather startling facts. The list of implements for manufacturing clothing (some of them about 200 years old) is rather extensive-a cotton spinning wheel, flax wheels, a flax hetchel, wool cards, a swift for skeining, a clock reel, a niddy-noddy, a tape and garter loom, one of the earliest Wheeler and Wilson sewing machines, a sewing-bird, etc. But there are many other articles in this exhibit, all designed to show the one idea of the evolution of apparel. The public is invited to visit and study this display. It will be in place until about the middle of next week. If anyone discovers he has articles which would add variety to the collection, his co-operation will be welcome." De Kalb Chronicle," February 10, 1915. In the "Outlook" for October 27 is an article by Prof. A. B. Hart on the "Antecedents of the Balkan Crisis." The fundamental difficulty in the Balkans, according to Professor Hart, is the rivalry of races, languages and religions, which is fiercer there than anywhere else. The ultimate and implacable cause of the war is the geographical situation of the Balkans, which is associated with the age-long struggle between Europe and Asia, plus the violent race rivalry. The breaking strain behind the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente was over the question as to whether Servia should be allowed to develop as the nucleus of a Balkan Power which would draw the Slavs of Croatia, Slavonia and Bosnia from Austro-Hungary. It is natural to infer, concludes the author, that Bulgaria has been promised large gains for her alliance with Germany; "Macedonia, Adrianople, probably Salonika, now held by the Greeks, and possibly an approach to the Adriatic through Albania, which would combine to make Bulgaria the leading power. WAR BIBLIOGRAPHY. The Leaflet No. 39 of the (English) Historical Association deals with a supplementary bibliography of the war. first section deals with antecedents of the war, including origin, cause, ideas leading to the war, the diplomacy up to the outbreak of the war, the belligerent nations and "German intrigue, barbarity and kultur." The second section deals with the war, and takes up the war under the following headings: Descriptions of eye-witnesses and correspondents, histories of the war, technical aspects of the war, including naval, military, legal, economic and geographical aspects; American opinion respecting the war. Section three deals with works treating of the outcome of the war; the peace settlement and problems raised by the war. Miscellaneous publications are grouped in section four under such headings as pamphlets, poetry and maps. The bibliography is the work of Prof. H. C. Hearnshaw. The Catholic University of America has published No. 1 of its "American Church History Seminar Publications," reporting the work done by members of the Seminar during the academic year 1914 and 1915. The topics treated are taken from European and American history. Periodical Literature EDITED BY GERTRUDE BRAMLETTE RICHARDS, PH.D. In the "Ecclesiastical Review" for November, 1915, Rev. Frederick J. Zwierlein, of St. Bernard's Seminary, Rochester, has an article on "The Delay in the Divorce Trial of Henry VIII and Katherine of Arragon," with especial reference to Cardinal Wolsey's management of the case. The article is most interesting, and is more or less a defense of the policy of the Church. Wolsey is held to be too much of a diplomat in the king's service, and not enough of an ecclesiastic in spirit not to take advantage of the plight to which the papacy had been reduced. The delay of the Church in the matter is caused by the situation itself; as it was a most delicate task to do justice to both King and Queen and yet not to precipitate the loss of another kingdom to the Roman Catholic faith, and watchful waiting was the only wise policy. Jan D. Colvin's article on "The Germans in England" in the "National Review" for October, 1915, is the introductory chapter to his larger work on the same topic about to be published in London. It traces the historical relationship existing between Germany and England from medieval times—especially their commercial dealings from the days of the Hanseatic League, when the German cities by their command of silver, and, therefore, of exchange and of trade routes, and of sea power outside the Mediterranean, had unusual opportunities for expansion which England allowed to exist unmolested until after the days of Henry VIII, since which time there has never been perfect commercial harmony between the two powers. Political Parties and Party Leaders A Subject for an Historical Course BY PROFESSOR JAMES A. WOODBURN, INDIANA UNIVERSITY. I shall attempt to set forth in this article a possible course in American history on the subject American Parties and Party Leaders," a course which may be adapted not only to college classes, but to the higher grades in our secondary schools. Such a course may be best used for upper class high school students who have already had some American history, and who know something of the main facts in the general development of the nation under the constitution. The knowledge that is presupposed while being drawn upon is to be supplemented and enlarged by attention to a special phase of national history. In the conduct of the course, a high school textbook would be useful, if not necessary, to review the basic facts which the student might wish to call into use, but much of the success of the course would have to depend upon the supplementary reading of the student and the way the materials and the readings are used, and the results are arranged and presented in class. The teacher, as leader and guide, would have to outline the course and give special directions and assignments in conducting it. It is not made for him in texts and outlines that are already at hand. This very fact is sure to make the course the more original, and would be likely to make it the more profitable to both teacher and pupil. The defense, or claims, for such a course as I have named may be based upon a number of arguments: (1) American history, especially with advanced classes, had better be presented not in short chronological chunks of unrelated topics, but rather in harmony with the figure of speech that has become familiar by splitting the historical log lengthwise. To take a block of time and study all the worthy events and happenings within that time, regardless of how much they are unrelated to one another, is not so much to our purpose as to take up a subject, or a movement, or an institution, and to study it in its progress and development, without reference to administrations or decades or divisions or arbitrary stages and stopping points. Monroe's administration, for instance, suggests a varied miscellany of interesting topics and studies-Indian troubles, territorial acquisition, the genesis or continuance of the Monroe Doctrine, the early history of the Second United States Bank, financial panics, the tariff, internal improvements, nationalizing judicial decisions, the Missouri controversy, the era of good feeling," personal and presidential politics, and some other topics of interest and importance. But unless it be the primary object of a course to present an account of Monroe's administration as a subject of special and detailed study, it were better, in the view of the contention for which this article stands, to separate these themes as subjects of study and pursue each in connection with the events and opinions related to it, some of which have gone before, some of which follow after. Let us study the Monroe Doctrine, not in an isolated way merely in its beginning, but in a continuous and connected way, connecting its beginnings with its changes and later applications. Let us study the Slavery Controversy as a movement in its unbroken progress, not in lessons that are interrupted and placed far apart by the interjection of miscel laneous and heterogeneous material in no way related to the slave system and the controversies and movement arising therefrom. Significant facts properly related for the promotion of our historical understanding should be the object in view. It is with this purpose that I would take a broad skein of our history like the Political Party and Party Leaders for continuous development. (2) The second postulate, almost self-evident, is that biography is one of the most interesting and valuable subjects of historical study. The facts of history may, to a very large degree, be gathered around the lives of our great men. This is a field that offers inviting and engaging cultivation for youthful minds -indeed, of all minds young and old alike. As for myself, I do not hesitate to confess that the most engaging and profitable books that I find to read are the autobiographies of great men. There is no richer field to which we can direct the attention of young students than to the field of worthy biography. If it be thought that party leaders have not been so worthy as many others that might be selected, it may still be said what no one is likely to deny, that our party history is not without its worthy names. The lives, the contests, the speeches, the policies, the suc cesses and failures of our great party leaders-these offer to teacher and student a very large field of study in our national history. Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson, Marshall and Burr: Madison and Monroe, Jay, Gallatin, the Randolphs and the Clintons in the earlier period; Jackson, Webster, the younger Adams, Calhoun, Benton and Clay and others in the first half of the middle period; Chase, Sumner, Seward, Lincoln, Davis, Toombs, Stephens, Douglas and numerous others in the decade preceding the Civil War, not to speak of later party champions, indicate political biographies and contests most inviting to student and reader. The study of these men in their relations to parties and party conflicts, and in connection with methods of nominations and elections and the issues involved in national contests, the claims presented and maneuvers attempted, will, as is readily seen, call into use large and important aspects of our history. (3) A third contention is that the study of politics ning to gatheri and parties is of high importance to one who wishes to understand the forces and struggles that have made the American constitution and government what it is to-day. I am far from believing that "history is past politics and politics is present history." But the history of politics has cut so wide a swath in American life that young citizens in our schools should be introduced in some serious and positive way to the significance of our party history in the development of our government and its work. The relation of the government and of the presiDdency to parties may be briefly used as an illustration of this point. Our government is managed by parties. If we are to understand how we are governed, we must understand how our parties are governed, and, in a measure, how they have grown. All our officers, from the President down to city counciltimen and township officers, are usually nominated by party processes and selected on party tickets. The party is the means or agency by which representative popular government is carried on. Party opinion, party forces, party leadership, party conflicts, the party as an institution-these deserve attention and ld be constructive work from the teacher of history. Pet All the American Presidents, except Washington, were elected as party leaders. They conducted their administrations not only with a view to the welfare of the country, but with a desire to promote the interest and success of their respective parties. Every President following Washington made up his cabinet from his party followers. The exceptions are so few they need not be mentioned. The President as party leader has taken counsel of his party managers in the States; his appointments were from among his party followers and workers; and in many ways the President has sought to lead his party, to strengthen it, and to make it successful in the next election. Washbington, it is true, sought to conduct his administration without regard to party. He deplored party strife and an excess of party zeal. He thought of de parties as factions, and he feared that parties would become sectional, divided by geographical lines, and that men would be sectional partisans rather than national patriots, and that party struggles would divide the country into factions and prevent what America then most needed-the spirit of unity and a love for a united country that would enable the States to maintain their independence against foreign influence. clate Moreover, as is well known, Washington looked upon the Presidency, as did many of the men who framed the constitution, as being apart from parties, or above parties, like the English Kingship, and he sought at first to conduct his administration by holding a fair, judicial and impartial attitude toward differing party groups. He, therefore, called into the same cabinet Hamilton and Jefferson, who differed on almost every public question, and who turned out to be bitter opponents of one another and the leaders of their respective parties for the next ten years. Even while they were together in Washington's cabinet, they fought one another bitterly on almost every question that arose. Washington, wise and concilia tory as he was, found it impossible to reconcile them, and when he appeared to lean toward Hamilton on the financial and constitutional issues that came up, Jefferson resigned, thinking (as indicated in his Mazzei letter) that Washington had been led astray, and out of office Jefferson became the leader of a party of opposition. So at the threshold, or at the launching of the Ship of State under the Constitution, we find parties appearing, engendered by the differing dispositions of men and their attitude toward society and government. From that day to this there have been two main parties in the country, the party in power striving to stay in, and the party out of power striving to get in. Thus we see that around the fact of party and from it as a starting point the history of government in America is to be studied. Party is a constantly recurring theme throughout the story and it is doubtful if there is a more important one from the standpoint of the organized State. Since I am suggesting such a theme for a course in American history, it may be profitable for me to give here an illustrative lesson or series of lessons by a topical outline. The lessons suggested should properly be preceded by a brief presentation of American parties before the Constitution and in the constitutional convention—the Large State Party and the Small State Party, the tendencies toward, respectively, nationalism and States rights, and the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists in the struggle over the adoption of the Constitution, and also by an explanation of the Electoral System presented in the Con |