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One striking result of the war has been the marvelously rapid education of the American press (which found itself so suddenly confronting a new and tremendous situation for which it was not prepared), and through it, of our reading public concerning European affairs. Our own interests are SO many and great that they have absorbed our attention somewhat as our vast home market has limited the horizon of many kinds of business, although a great enlargement of this horizon occurred as We became in a new sense a world power after the late Spanish War. Too many vestiges of the old provincialism, however, still remain, and it would be easy to cite typical illustrations of ignorance and amateurishness of opinion, even in some of our best dailies, concerning the war and its relations during the first few weeks after it broke out. But our press has improved and educated itself by leaps and bounds, and every day we are all now learning new and invaluable lessons, so that it is hardly too much to say that a large and growing body of intelligent citizens are to-day better informed in foreign, political and economic matters than many of our statesmen were a little while ago.

To our half million teachers and the some eighteen million young people of school age here the war presents a sudden and almost stupendous problem. How can we turn to pedagogic use the sudden flood of palpitating interest which it has awakened, beside which almost everything else is prone to grow a little pale, and utilize in the very best way the wonderful opportunity to open, see and feel the innumerable and vital lessons involved?

First, what are we doing? An inquiry by a student of mine not yet complete has already shown us that out of 109 representative cities in the country in 39 different States, 87 teach the war, some intensively, while only 22 do not yet. Two even forbid all allusion to it and have dropped not only current events, but all European geography and history, although it hardly need be said that the most timid localities are where politics most dominate education. Of 12 States eight have decreed for teaching (and four against). Some cities spend from ten to thirty minutes daily teaching the war, from the fourth grade of the grammar up through the high school, while from twenty minutes to an hour a week is more

common.

The reasons assigned for not teaching it may be summarized as follows: First, war is folly and crime,

and one superintendent would eliminate, while the war lasts, all allusions to battles in all history classes. War is too horrible and bloody for the tender minds of children, and it cultivates callousness and predisposes to cruelty. Second, censorship lets through so little that we cannot know enough about it until we have the original documents, and we must wait until it is finished and its history written, for history in the making generally is hardly history. Third, the school should ignore it for the same reason that it does religion and politics, in order to avoid offense. Fourth, teachers are really too ignorant to do justice to it, and moreover they cannot avoid showing a bias that is inconsistent with real neutrality. Fifth, the school is already overburdened with its own tasks and cannot add to them. Some superintendents state that war should be excluded because it is so absorbing that it kills interest in regular topics by contrast. Finally, a few state that geography is a science by itself and to stress certain localities that happen to have presentday interest makes for disproportionate knowledge of it.

On the other hand, the reasons given in the eight States and 87 cities that do teach it may be roughly summed up as follows: First, it is a great vitalizer of geography, and to bring and show maps of the positions of the armies and of the countries involved, with places that come to a focus of interest from day to day, is capable of impressing a very wide vital interest in geography. Second, we have a chance to see history in the making. Historic tendencies from many centuries are focusing to and will diverge from this momentous epoch, in which history is made day by day more rapidly than ever before. We can thus now see not only history but political geography in the making. Third, in the higher school grades innumerable questions of economics, trade, market, effects on various industries, social, civic and political organization of the countries involved, and some even add about all topics in the school, can be given a high degree of vitalization. Fourth, it is the greatest opportunity ever afforded to impress upon the minds of children, without distinction of parties, the barbarity, destructiveness and brutality of war and the blessings of peace. Fifth, it gives a large surface of contact between the school and life, which tend so strongly to be isolated from each other, so the children leave their souls behind when they enter school. Considering the in

terest of every live boy in conflict, the war is a dynamo of educational energy which should make the entire school system vastly more effective while it lasts and perhaps for some time after. Sixth, it makes young Americans citizens of the world, not only of the country, and teaches them the right appreciation of the relations of other lands to theirs. Seventh, and most often stressed of all, it teaches the great lesson of Americanism and toleration, and teaches the young to agree to differ, cultivates a judicial as above a partisan attitude, which is perhaps the very palladium of the strength of this country in the world, because here citizenship means outgrowing and rising above the old world prejudice and racial animosities that have come down for centuries since the old religious wars, and which have made nations suspect and hate their neighbors, and gives us a wholesome realization that we have none of these old dangerous European chimneys in our political structure, liable at any moment to set fire to the whole. What makes this indeed the promised land to the thousands of people who annually flock to our shores is that these old rancors here die out, and it is for this that we are prouder of our country to-day than ever before. My own heart glows with a new pride for my country when I see, e. g., French, German and other children in our schools, whose parents came from lands where for many generations traditional hate, each of the other, was cultivated, here bring into the school each the cold facts, so far as they can be ascertained, about their own sides, compare the reports that emanate from the different capitals, each defend the fatherland, locate positions, advances and retreats, while cach learns to agree to differ with his mate and to tolerate if not have some respect for the other side. Now in high schools and colleges we can hear both sides warmly defended by those whose hearts and family traditions are with the side they defend, each listening to the other and singing alternately "Rule, Britannia,' Die Wacht am Rhein," the Marsellaise," and all joining in the end in Hail, Columbia," because here they are learning this greatest lesson this country has to teach, which cannot be learned under any autocratic form of government --toleration to views the opposite of our own.

Let us glance at a few of the topics that are now taught and can be, beginning with the most debatable but the dearest to the live school-boy, the war itself. There are first the standing armies of each country, the kinds of troops, cavalry, infantry, navy and their organization, from the squad to the corps, the officers of each rank, their training, the uniform and arms, what each soldier carries, how they sleep, are fed, how the sick, wounded and imprisoned are cared for, how the dead are buried, the work of the Red Cross, pay, what mobilization is, the series of reservists, African and Asiatic auxiliaries, transportation of troops, strategy, flanking, kinds of artillery, from rifles and machine guns up to the siege mortars and howitzers, their manufacture and that of ammunition, navies, kinds of ships as submarines, aero

planes, Zeppelins, the Kiel Canal and what it means, and now perhaps the Suez, sanitation and care of health, something about the lives and character of the great generals, spies, etc.—something of all these might be taught. Ultra-pacificists might object, as some do, that boys are best off with little or no knowledge of all this, and that few can teach it, but no one can say that any or all such information cannot be impressed easily with no bias for either side.

Second, the latter is still more true of the geography of the war, which all can teach, and none can object to. Some schools collect newspaper maps and date them, but the lucid and inexpensive war maps of the London Times" should and could easily be in every school. Liège, Brussels, Louvain, Antwerp, Verdun, Metz, Epernay, Alsace and Lorraine, the rivers involved, from the Rhine to the Meuse and Marne, and in the east Warsaw, Cracow, Königsberg, and many more can be located, and to older classes something can easily be taught, with the aid of Baedeker, of each of these places as they become centers of interest; and the same is true of Servia, Galicia, Constantinople, the Balkan States, the Black Sea, boundaries between the different countries, why Germany, Austria and Russia feel shut in, and what they want, the Bagdad and trans-Caspian railroads, Salonica, the short land routes to India, the interests of each country in Asia and Africa—such things and many more can now be taught with no partisanship and without great difficulty and with great interest.

The

Third, history is a little harder but perhaps a little more profitable. Never have the minds of our young people been so open to information about and comprehensive of the essentials of European history and all its best lessons. Some of the best teachers begin with a sketch of the war of 1870 and the German unity that followed, with Prussia and the Hohenzollerns dominant. Another sketch of the development of the Austrian empire, from the conquest of Hungary to the belt of Slavic states about it, might follow, and then could come an outline of the Balkan War and what the story of Turkey in Europe and of Constantinople, so long a focus of European diplomacy, now means and has meant. Something, too, should be taught of the development of colonies by England and also the growth of her navy. naval history and policy of France and Germany, the story of the partition of Poland as it could be told in half an hour or less, what pan-Germanism and pan-Slavism mean and are, and how they would reconstruct the map of Europe-all this told simply and briefly, with maps, could be brought home in outline to the comprehension of every high school boy or girl who would thus have in his mind the historic key for understanding many if not most of the causes and stakes at issue in the war. And who that knows high school teachers of history as I have often met them in their associations, does not know that they could and would gladly do all this and impartially, too, if they had the support of principals and superintendents? And who that knows adolescent boys or girls does not know that their enthusiasm and zest