der. Guibert gives us the true reason for this: the unexpected invasion of the Almoravids who had just inundated Spain at the very time when the victories of Alphonso over the degenerate Mussulmans had seemed for a moment to encourage the hope of the 1 speedy deliverance of the whole peninsula. The Crusade then must have had for its object, in the church's plans, and energetic diversion to be made against an enemy, who had only recently left Provence, who had often camped at the gates of Rome, was occupying a large part of Spain, and was infesting the whole Mediterranean Religious enthusiasm was the first and principal motive which set the whole Christian world in movement. In ordinary times men follow their natural inclinations, and obey only the voice of self-interest; but at the time of which we are speaking, devotion to pilgrimage, which became more lively as it spread, and which one could call, in the words of St. Paul, the folly of the cross (stultitiam crucis) was an ardent and jealous passion which spoke more loudly than all the others." His work has been very widely used in English speaking countries and the Crusades have generally been portrayed as a romantic movement by English and American writers. A great step in advance was made when Sybel at tempted to analyze the "Zeitgeist;" he considered asceticism and military valor the most important characteristics of the age and showed how these led men to take the cross. A generation later Riezler gave a fuller analysis: "But the lively Christian faith wrought these marvels only because many other characteristics of the age aided. The hierarchical strivings of the popes, the ascetic tendencies, chivalry, love of wandering, fighting and adventure, desire for glory, and politics all joined in making the Crusades possible. It is foolish to regard the Crusades a defensive war; some of the popes may have had this idea, but it did not penetrate the masses; and only a popular impulse would have made the Crusades possible." Riezler then points out the change which took place in the character of the Crusades toward the close of the Twelfth Century, the "Verweltlichung" which caused them to be destructive to the religious conditions which had given them birth. "For proceeding from ascetic and spiritual impulses, they led to an acute zest in life." The same conception is emphasized in the last edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica: The Crusades may be regarded partly as the decumanus fluctus in the surge of religious revival, which had begun in western Europe during the tenth century and had mounted high during the twelfth century; partly as a chapter, and most important chapter, in the history of the interaction of East and West... they are again the 'foreign policy' of the papacy, directing the faithful subjects to the great war of Christianity against the infidels." It would be possible to enumerate many other conceptions; e. g. conceptions; e. g. Stevenson, under the influence of imperialism, defined the Crusades as military expeditions to establish and maintain a Latin power in Syria." It is evident that each writer was influenced by the events and point of view of his own age in his conception of the causes and nature of the Crusades, and, consequently, his statement may be used as a source for interpreting the ideals of his. age. It is also evident that different points of view, often entirely dissimilar, were held contemporaneously, as we should expect, and that it would be absurd to attempt to characterize any period by a single one of these points of view. It is necessary by a comparative study to determine which ones were dominant, which were merely traditional, and which were new. Of course, this is only a single case, and it is never safe to generalize from a single instance; yet we may make a few statements. As we have seen, secondary works throw light upon the civilization of the age which produced them, and conversely must be judged by the same criteria as original sources. We must recognize that the interpretation given by any historian is governed partly by the ideas and ideals of his environment, and partly by his own point of view. Hence, if we are to use secondary works, and use them we must, it is imperative that we should have some knowledge of historiography, a subject too much neglected. With regard to the general question of what is history, we may make some negative and one positive statement. History is not merely utilization of documents. History is not merely past politics. Without giving any more negative statements, which would easily suggest themselves to you, I shall offer a suggestion. History is an explanation of movements in the past by analyzing all the elements which enter into them, and in particular, the motives of the actors; the latter were mainly determined by the ideas and ideals of the age in which they lived. We must give greater heed than we have done to the spiritual factors; we must endeavor to study men as a whole. But let us never forget that such a study must be as completely based upon facts and as thoroughly methodical as the analysis of a treaty. Our greatest danger at present arises from the slipshod workers who have never acquired the historic method, and generalize from insufficient data. The Civic View of Teaching History BY GEORGE W. EDDY, A.M., TEACHER OF EUROPEAN HISTORY, SOUTH HIGH SCHOOL, YOUNGSTOWN, 0. spe This growth in the importance of civics has not been due simply to the agitation of teachers desiring to make the most of their profession. A wave of civic and moral reform has passed over the country in the last decade. The reform movement has been capitalized by political parties and the common voter has been told that in order to prevent invisible government" for the benefit of cial interests, he must give more constant attention to the work that his servants, the representatives in the legislative halls, are doing. In many states this attention has been made effective by the initiative, referendum, and recall. The practical success of these governmental devices depends upon the civic knowledge and skill of the average voter. Hence, at a time when there is a demand that all education be above all things practical, there has come a growing insistence upon better training for citizenship. Some of the results of the discussion and experiment are: more time devoted to the subject, better text-books, the introduction of "community civics," and efforts to secure immediate results in the citizenlife of the pupil. Both the Committees of Seven and of Five recommended that civics be as closely as possible correlated with American history. But those committees were primarily interested in history. The Political Science Association has advocated a separate course. At present we see the subject of civics struggling for admission as a separate full course in the curriculum. Shall this admission be granted? An increase of time for the study of civics, either 1Read at the History Conference, Ohio Teachers' Associa tion, Columbus, O., December 30, 1915. It in the first high school year or the last, presents difficulties which we ought seriously to consider. Too much of the discussion of this subject indicates an "absent-mindedness" of the importance of other subjects, which, as history teachers-trained in judgment and fairness, we ought not to overlook. should not be forgotten that, while the citizen should be thoroughly furnished to perform the duties of citizenship, no small part of his training consists in developing imagination and human sympathy. Without holding to a "faculty psychology," we may hold that our pupils are going to be something more than citizens with individual work to do; and that, even for the duties of citizenship, the study of foreign languages may help to cultivate a sympathy for those in our midst who speak a foreign tongue, and mathematics may-in spite of all that is said against it— cultivate a habit of clearness of statement and precision of thought necessary for the statesman and citizen. But aside from the fact that a too great emphasis upon civics as a special study may crowd out other subjects which we will agree are not so important, and yet are important, there is a danger, which, from the point of view of citizenship, is of the greatest consequence. Are not the greatest failings of the American people to-day due to short-sightedness and the narrowness due to over-specialization? Probably our greatest political evils have resulted from our free competitive system, which has taught every man to get all he can for himself from the marts of trade and from the legislative halls. One of the gravest dangers of the vocational training of our time is that boys and girls will be sent out with limited interests and lack of appreciation for those at work in other occupations. Some corrective for this tendency must be found. This corrective may be found in literature and history. Professor Harding says: "History as method (and I should add as content) constitutes the best means of any school subject in school or college curricula for training the judgment to deal with the controverted questions of modern political and social life." Only as the "heir of all the ages" are we prepared to take our places in the "foremost ranks of time." On the one hand, we may fear to touch the sacred Constitution framed by our fathers, for fear that our free institutions may be destroyed; and on the other, we may suppose that a new fundamental law will at once change the popular habits and thoughts which have been developed during a century and a half of national existence. The study of history may show us how our fathers who adopted the perpetual Articles of Confederation in 1781, agreeing that they should not be altered without the unanimous consent of the States, only six years later violated that fundamental law by drawing up an essentially new frame of government which was adopted upon the consent of nine States. It may give us poise and enable us to think calmly that such a Constitution framed before the existence of the railroad, the telegraph, the telephone, the development of our factory system, the immigration problem, the exhaustion of free lands, and the United States as a world power, may safely and wisely be modified to meet the conditions of the twentieth century. lems and conditions of to-day, he may be encouraged to pass judgment on some of the problems and conditions of ancient times. Professor Breasted has made a valuable contribution to the study of the Oriental nations by showing how the economic conditions of trade underlay the movements of races and peoples and vitally affected the political life of the people. Just as commercial rivalry and race hatred were the principal causes of the present European War, we may see the ancient peoples waging merciless warfare in the region of the fertile crescent of Syria and Mesopotamia in order that they might control the commerce between Egypt and the Mediterranean and Babylonia. The inscription of the laws upon the walls of the court room at Cnossus as well as the written laws of Draco indicate possibly a greater familiarity with public statutes on the part of the people of those times than is possessed by the average citizen of to-day. Which of us is not as much at the mercy of a skilful lawyer backed by the money of a wealthy opponent as were the plebeians of Rome before the Decemvirs wrote the Twelve Tables? The government of Carthage shows a republic become an aristocracy by the control of the government by "big business.' The Roman Senate became as inefficient and as careless of the popular welfare as some of our legislative bodies have been. Then there was the private fire department of Crassus! What Roman would not sell his burning home rather than lose everything? But when Crassus, having made the purchase for a small sum, set his fire department at work, he was able to save most of the building, and in this way was able to amass the fortune which financed the First Triumvirate which gave the control of the republic into the hands of three political bosses. Has anything similar in principle occurred in our generation? And when we learn that Augustus did not assume the dignity of king, but either sat in the senate or held regular republican offices while in reality ruling the empire, we may learn that a free popular government may be lost while the people are unaware of any change. An examination of actual practices in nominating candidates and in passing laws may show the pupil the necessity for eternal vigilance; for it is not changes in our Constitution, but the use that is made of the Such an one we have that constitutes a danger to our institutions. If it is not wise to take time from other subjects in the school curriculum for a more complete training in civics, and if history furnishes the best means, as Professor Harding says it does, how may the study of history be made to contribute more largely to this end? I would answer: by the adoption of the civic view of teaching history. The civic view of teaching history does not mean constitutional history, although constitutional elements will be studied; nor will it limit itself to political history. It is a study of the development of man in his social relations, keeping constantly in mind the principles of social control which are the basis of government. It will not limit the study of civics to a part of the last high school year, but the pupil will be helped to develop civic ideals each year that he studies history. It is, I think, generally conceded that, next to a sounder, more ethical patriotism, based upon the concept that government should not only depend upon the consent of the governed, but should be for the benefit of all the governed, the greatest need of our time is a permanent interest in the affairs of the government on the part of all the citizens. abiding interest as well as such a patriotic attitude cannot be acquired in one year. They must be developed as habits of mind and feeling. It is highly important, then, that we history teachers should see that these results are secured. With this view all history becomes vital, pulsating with life and human interest. With this view all history becomes as intensely practical as typewriting and manual training. The civic view of teaching history involves the broadest definition of civics. A glance at the principles of social control in their concrete expressions in our own day shows how closely government is connected with industry, public health, public morals, and public charities. The voter is called upon to pass judgment upon all these questions. While the pupil is getting his historical background for the prob It is not necessary to go through the whole field of history to illustrate the principle. If the situation is made clear and the conditions real, the pupils will be interested to think what should have been done as well as to learn what was actually done. When the same method is applied to modern European history, the results become increasingly important. It used to be thought that the important parts of the English Constitution were created before the foundation of the American Republic and that Modern the later period had no lessons for us. scholarship, however, has shown that Magna Charta is a reactionary feudal document, and recent experience has shown that the Bill of Rights grants privi leges that in the hands of powerful individuals may constitute dangers to the body politic. Although England has had a Parliament since the thirteenth century, it was not until 1832 that it began to be really representative; while, by the Parliament Act of 1911, the English government was made more democratic than our own. We ought surely to teach our pupils to appreciate the struggles and achievements of our fathers, but the civic view of teaching history will prevent us from adopting a Chinese habit of mind which regards everything foreign as inferior. If New Zealand, Australia, and Switzerland have made important discoveries in government, we ought to teach these as well as our own Constitution. England no longer governs her colonies as she did before 1776. Burke's policy of granting the colonies an interest in the English Constitution" has so far been adopted that Canada, India, and Australia are almost inde pendent states. Hence the loyal aid they are send- Mutual Opinions of North and South 1851-1854 Contemporary Documents. The following extracts are contributed by Professor Albert H. Sanford, of the State Normal School, La Crosse, Wis. The first group of extracts are from the diary of Paul Greene, a young New Yorker, whose home was on a farm in the western part of the State. The second group is almost the entire text of a letter written to Mr. Greene by a southern planter, giving the latter's views upon slavery in general and the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in particular.-EDITOR. A JOURNEY THROUGH OHIO AND DOWN THE Oct. 19th. . . . I believe the Saratoga is advertised to make the passage in 27 hours, but we were 462 hours from Buffalo, dist. 310 mi. Toledo is a muddy hole, and the mud is slippery, sticky, and blue. Few fine buildings-no extensive blocks. . . . I suppose on account of the scarcity of stones the streets of these western cities are not paved. Quite a difference between eastern and western people distinguishable. Big yarns and swearing, a growing evil. At 11 a. m. took the canal for Spencer, Ohio. Upon examination of our craft, she is rather smaller than similar ones in New York and arranged internally with less taste, though she answers every purpose. She is propelled by three horses which walk along at the rate of 3 or 4 m. per hour, and are changed once in 10 or 12 mi. . . . Western people and manners are more and more discernible: the former have been growing gradually rougher, in language and appearance, though I cannot set them down as less civil to strangers. After having passed 7 or 8 locks, we came into a beautiful country lying upon the banks of the Maumee, and in the course of the evening we came to where the river superseded the necessity of a canal, the tow-path being made upon the bank of the river. . . Spirits are sold to and drank freely by the passengers, and towards night, the conversation which had by no means flagged during the day, became quite glib,-jokes are cracked, and yarns related, with a flippancy worthy a better cause interspersed with flashes of wit and vivid illustrations. Some tell long yarns, some read, some doze, some discuss grave questions in Philosophy, and even Theology, while others give opinions concerning various books and authors. At bed-time the Cabin was cleared, and Hammocks suspended. Then a berth was assigned to each, and its number registered opposite his name. All retired in good order. The lights were left burning and a few of the merriest indulged in a little sharpshooting. We had not lain long before someone called for a night-cap" (a dram), and the idea seemed to shoot through the hotheads like an electric spark. One after another they scaled their bunks, and rushed for the "bar," calling upon their comrades to follow them. Now evidently there was a spree afoot. Such yelling, and swearing, and carousing, would have done justice to savages. About midnight their jollity worked off, and they crawled to their berths. All the sleep that was enjoyed by a common man in the cabin, before this, must required a philosopher, or a Theologian to sleep. have been nabbed between a shout and its echo. It Oct. 20th. About day-break, we reached the Junction. Here we changed Boats. Capt's, crew, country, passengers, in short, everything, not excepting board. We got sucked. The Country has the appearance of a deadly level swamp, with a straight ditch cut through it called a Canal,-yet judging from the number of locks we must have ascended considerable. Passed at one place a monstrous Black Bear, suspended by the heels. . . . At 42 P. M. arrived at Spencer, where we debarked. Oct. 29th. Again started on our journey. Traveled in a wagon to St. Mary's. . . . A great many huntsmen are here, from the southern part of the State in search of deer, Bears, &c. Wheat is worth 40 cts. pr. bu., beef 3 cts. and venison 6 do pr. lb. Boarded a Packet, at 6 p. m. bound for Dayton. Oct. 30th. At 412 a. m. were at Piqua, where we lay 2 hours. This is a place of about 4000 inhabitants.... Traveled to-day through a beautiful and highly cultivated section of country. . . . Arrived at Dayton at 2 p. m. dist. from St. Mary's 70 mi. This was bidding farewell to canaling. I hoped, as this is the slowest and dearest mode of traveling, yet. Sent my baggage to the Montgomery House, and took a stroll about town. The first novelty that struck my notice, was the huge horses, huge harnesses, and huge wagons, moving about the streets. Unwieldy affairs, we Yankees would call them. Noticed a great deal of horse-back riding about the city. . . . (Starting for Cincinnati.) The Cincinnati, Hamilton and Dayton R. R. is a good track, constructed of "T" railing, and the train I was upon was a superb, new one. From some cause, or other, they had, most of the time a springing motion, quite agreeable. . . The water Oct. 31st. (Cincinnati.) Such throngs of people, such piles of everything in the shape of eatables. . . . Enormous loads propelled by six or eight horses. Drays drawn by one horse between the shafts and two on the lead, are what attracts a country chap's attention. A steeple 275 feet high, the second in height, in the United States, is being erected upon the First Presbyterian Church. . . The Mail Packet Mary Stephens, was advertised to leave Cin. for Louisville, Ky. at 10 a. m. . . . but it must have been 1 p. m. before we were under way. of the Ohio is at a very low stage, so that only the smallest sized boats can ply, which causes the fare to be excessively high. . . . After we had got a "good ready" we shoved off and moved across the stream, to Covington, Ky., to take on a family consisting of a gentleman and his lady, two children, two niggers, and two hounds. Our boat acts upon the "high-pressure" system, and at each movement of the Pistons, the Pipes give a sort of half-puffing, half-howling sound, and to the Boat a disagreeable trembling motion. The Passengers are composed of all classes, including every variety of saint and sinner. At one end of the cabin may be seen holy Nuns, too pure to hold converse with aught on earth, while at the opposite extremity, the oaths and shouts of Gamblers seem to suggest the place comparable with the realms of Pluto. Passing along down the River, I was anxious to contrast the appearances of free and slave represented on the opposite sides. Doubtless it was owing to long established prejudices that I decided in favor of the former. labor, as Nov. 2nd. Swamp Fox (Louisville.) Found a Boat called the with steam all up, ready for down stream. Was somewhat stumped, on boarding her, to be informed that the fare to Vicksburg would be $20. At this place there are falls in the Ohio, to get around which, they being impassable except in the very highest stages of water,long has been cut, through which boats are propelled -a narrow canal 2 miles to posts, placed at suitable distances along the bank. We entered the Canal at about 10 a. m. and were nudged along, and tugged along, until 5 p. m. when we again merged through 2 or 3 locks into the broad River, again. Late in the evening we "lay to" for the night. Nov. 3rd. The Packet Memphis was early in our company, and seemed quite eager for a She has a Barge in tow loaded with freight, of what kind I know not, except that the top is covered with turkeys and hens. So we go dashing through the water, now this, now that one ahead. . . . Before noon we left both boats hard aground while by crowding" we passed the "bar.' race. Nov. 4th. This morning a dense fog darkened the river, consequently we must remain "tied up” till the sun could dispel it. . . . 1 p. m. they ran smack upon a bar. They hoped to force her off by sufficient steam, but couldn't. steam, but couldn't. Next, they tried to boost her with the spars, but she wouldn't budge. Next they transferred a great quantity of freight into a Flat which they "hooked" on shore, but they couldn't crowd her over, even then. Next they went ashore with one end of a tremendous great hawser, which they made fast to a stump, the other end being fastened to the Cap. and having sent all the passengers into the Flat" they twist and peg and crowd, but all to no purpose. Then they put out the fires, pumped out the water, in order to lighten her, but they can't start the Boat. By this time it was dark. . . Nov. 5th. About 7 a. m. we swung loose. Just before we got off, the Memphis passed us, and such hooting and swinging of hats ought to be scarce. Such scrapes as we have just encountered are costly affairs. Six or eight cords of wood, and 100 bu. of coal have been consumed. Twenty hands have been obliged to toil all night. . . . About 612 p. m. we reached Henderson, Ky. Here we unloaded 512 tons of freight in the shape of apple trees. (The boat was delayed by striking three more bars.) Nov. 8th. About noon we reached the mouth of the Cumberland R. and the notorious Cumberland Bar built across the Ohio during the administration of Pres. Jackson, for the purpose of forcing the water into the Cumberland at time of low water. It isn't a very pleasant thing to cross just now, and the General gets a good many curses. Here are some 7 or 8 steamers, some swamped, some just arrived and others attempting to force a passage. The "Swan" has been lying here fast aground for 17 days. . . Nov. 10th. Were under way in good season this morning and about 8 arrived at Cairo.. Here we had 160 tons of freight to take in, consisting of butter, cheese, pork, and whiskey. Nov. 13th at about 1 a. m. we reached Memphis. LETTER FROM A MISSISSIPPI PLANTER TO PAUL GREENE, 1854. PRESTON, MISS., April 15th, 185k. PAUL W. Greene, Esq. Dear Sir: .. I like for farmers to prosper but I do think that wheat and other things up with you are too high. You know that some of us here are not eating biscuits as plenty as we would wish the most of us common folks think Corn bread very good and by the by that is worth 75c per bushel flour is worth |