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board, are quite as noticeable as those which contrast the South and the North. One great common characteristic is the presence of the Negro race; yet even this is a factor of enormous variations. Within the single State of Tennessee is a county where the Negroes form seventy-five per cent. of the population, and one where they constitute two-tenths of one per cent. of the population. An important word of advice, then, to the teacher who is undertaking to discuss southern history, in recent years or in any period, is that he should be cautious in the matter of generalizations and should keep the upper hand of adjectives.

(3) It must be remembered that the new South is not entirely new. So far as the progress of mechanical invention had then permitted, the South, in the decade of 1850-1860, had made, in agriculture, in manufactures, and in transportation, very rapid advance. The abolition of slavery indeed removed from the white race many of the barriers of progress; but the price for the way in which this was done was the ruin of southern capital and the interruption and delay of an evolution which in 1860 had already slowly but surely manifested itself.

Our subject seems naturally to divide itself into four chief heads. We must consider (1) the Economic Revolution which the war and emancipation brought to pass in the South, and the changes in the social structure which resulted; (2) the Educational Renaissance, in which the idealism of the new South has found its highest expression; (3) the Political and Constitutional Changes, and (4) the Negro-"the southerner's problem."

I. THE ECONOMIC REVOLUTION.3

We turn first to the readjustment of social and economic affairs which took place in the southern States in the fifteen years between 1865 and 1880-a read

2 A very serviceable introduction to the whole subject of the New South will be found in some of the papers contributed to "Studies in Southern History and Politics," inscribed to W. A. Dunning. To the several papers that bear directly on the topics discussed below, specific reference is made in the proper place. The work of P. A. Bruce, "The Rise of the New South," which constitutes Vol. 17 of Lee's "History of North America" ably covers the whole field. The concluding "general summary " is helpful. The work, however, is unannotated and lacks a bibliography. Perhaps the most complete body of information is found in the following volumes of The South in the Building of the Nation": Vol. 6, "Southern Economic History," edited by J. C. Ballagh; Vol. 7, "History of Intellectual Life," edited by J. B. Henneman; Vol. 10, "History of the Social Life," edited by S. C. Mitchell. These volumes are made up of articles by special students, on almost every phase of Southern life, with excellent bibliographies. A. B. Hart's "The Southern South," attempts a general survey, but is characterized by some amazing inaccuracies. The same writer contributes the article, "The South" to the "Cyclopedia of American Government." Channing, Hart and Turner's Guide to the Reading and Study of American History" has a chapter on "The South, 1870-1895." The topics have apparently been left as in earlier editions, but the references have been brought up to date.

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justment more fundamentally important than the political events which in large degree overshadowed the less dramatic factors. To rebuild railroads and bridges, to re-establish factories, to repair fences, barns and houses, to replace tools, to secure cattle,

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3 For the agricultural history of the South a book of unusual merit is the text designed for young students, "The Story of Cotton and the Development of the Cotton States," by E. C. Brooks. This has a bibliography, which, however, omits the standard works of E. von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft" and of M. B. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry." Better for young students than these last is M. B. Hammond's chapter on Cotton Production in the South" in "S. in B. of N.," Vol. 6, pp. 87ff., with a valuable bibliography. For elementary students; Prof. C. A. MacMurry, of the George Peabody College for Teachers, has worked out an excellent "Type" study on "Corn and Cotton." There is no general detailed study of land tenure; but the changes in the State of Georgia have been made the basis of two excellent monographs, "The Economics of Land Tenure in Georgia," by E. M. Banks, and The Agrarian Revolution in Georgia," by R. P. Brooks. Valuable for Mississippi are chapters in A. H. Stone's "Studies in the American Race Problem," and "A Study of Tenant Systems of Farming in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta," by E. A. Berger and E. A. Goldenweiser, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bul. 337. Suggestive also are a chapter by W. L. Fleming, in "S. in B. of N.," Vol. 6, pp. 6-10, and a paper by L. C. Gray in "Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science," Vol. 40, No. 2, pp. 90-99. For the development of the newer type of agriculture, the chapters by various specialists, the best guide is found in Vol. 6 of the "S. in B. of N., with biblographies which point the way to the papers and reports of the Department of Agriculture, the Bureau of Statistics, and the Census Reports. Examples of such papers are C. W. Dabney's "Progress of Southern Agriculture," and S. A. Knapp's "Causes of Southern Rural Conditions and the Small Farm as an Important Remedy." On this as on the preceding topic, Bruce's treatment is very full. The "Manufacturers' Record," the reports of State agricultural bureaus, and the publications of the agricultural colleges also contain much valuable information.

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The rise of the manufacturing industries is sketched in Holland Thompson's chapter, "The New South, Economic and Social, in Studies in Southern History and Politics." The same authors, From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill" is more extensive in detail, but is limited chiefly to North Carolina. The chapters of Bruce's work are very full. Perhaps the best survey of the whole subject is found in V. S. Clark's two chapters in Vol. 6 of the "S. in B. of N.," with excellent bibliographies. The latest information is presented in the "Manufacturers' Record." E. G. Murphy discusses the Child Labor Problem at length in his "Problems of the Present South," one of the indispensable works for every serious student, who will consult also the publications of the National Child Labor Committee and the National Consumers' League, and various bulletins of the Census and the Department of Labor. A summary, with a selected list of references, is given by W. B. Palmer, of the Bureau of Labor, in Vol. 6 of the "S. in B. of N." The "mountain whites" have been the subject of special work, among which are Horace Kephart's "Our Southern Highlanders," T. R. Dawley, Jr.'s "The Child that Toileth Not" -which throws some doubt on the usual description of conditions and M. W. Morley's "The Carolina Mountains." Interestingly written and full of information is Ethel Arme's "The Story of Coal and Iron in Alabama."

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even to purchase seed-all these things required money. Much capital came in from the North, but for the southern farmer the chief resource was of necessity his land or the products of his land. To make the land productive demanded labor, and the labor problem was a most serious one. The Negroes were now "free." How could a new social system restore agriculture? That was the first problem of the men of that day, and it is properly the first problem of our study.

- While, in 1860, agriculture in the South had been to no small extent one of diversified crops, it was natural, in the situation which confronted the South in 1865 that the chief resource at once was seen to be cotton. It is a characteristic of this plant that, although it demands some labor all the year, it tolerates a neglect which would ruin other crops. Once the routine is learned almost anyone can raise some cotton. Moreover it was the surest money crop and the best security for loans, and cotton prices were high. Therefore the South, following the line of least resistance, retrograded as to varied agriculture and went back to cotton. Fortunately in those years the South, though suffering politically from the carpetbagger and the scalawag, was spared the pest which has since caused so much loss-the boll-weevil. Yet so great was the prostration of the South that in spite of good prices it was thirteen years after 1866 before the cotton crop equalled that which had been raised in 1860.

Of the three types of farms producing cotton-the large plantation, the small plantation and the small farm the first and second, operated by Negro slaves under skilled supervision had formerly produced the greater part of the crop. How could the plantation continue after the overthrow of this long established system of controlled labor? The efforts of 1865 to find a substitute had not been successful. The experiment of a wages system had broken down, through the migratory tendencies of the freedmen and through the excessive competition for their labor. Immobile during the earlier war period, the Negroes rapidly became demoralized. The local attempts at regulation-the so-called "black codes,"-honestly, if not wisely, designed to restore industrial order had been obnoxious to the dominant authority of the North; the well intended but mischievous activities of the Freedman's Bureau had been obnoxious to the South. Visions of forty acres and a rule provided by the magic hand of the government filled the mind of the Negro; unscrupulous sharpers sometimes pretended to sell him plots of land, by means of painted sticks." One solution indeed would have been to sell the land to the Freedman, but had the planters wished to sell, the Negroes in general had no money to buy.

4 W. A. Dunning.

nomic," pp. 57-58.

6

"Reconstruction Political and Eco

5 Cf. W. L. Fleming's "Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama,” pp. 421-470.

• Conditions in the coast region of Georgia where the negroes did early acquire the lands of what had been large

The

Out of this difficult situation arose an institution cr custom, attended beyond question with many abuses, which, however, held society together economically and kept the fields productive. This custom is known as cropping, share-cropping, share tenancy, or by European analogy metayage. The owner of the land provided the land and house for the tenant, the live stock, the farming implements and the seed. tenant furnished only his labor for the raising and gathering of the crop. The product was then divided between the landlord and the cropper, each ordinarily receiving half. Besides this custom which still prevails, others have made their appearance. In the 'third and fourth plan of share renting," the landlord provides land, buildings and fuel; the tenant supplies his own stock, implements and support. The landlord receives one-third of the corn (where this is raised), and one-fourth of the cotton. Or the tenant may pay a fixed "standing rent" of so many pounds of cotton. Again the tenant may pay a cash or money

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7

Careful consideration of these plans will reveal a certain gradation. It will be seen that the fundamental questions involved are (a) the degree of supervision retained by the landowner and (b) inversely the degree of responsibility thrown upon the tenant. The cropper is really a day laborer paid by the year in a varying agricultural product instead of in money. He has no financial responsibility. At the end of his year contract he is legally free to move and enter into a new one. On the other hand, it is easy for him to anticipate his returns and to keep in debt. The vexation and loss caused by the irresponsibility of the Negro with little capacity for or incentive to efficient farming will lead to the disposition on the part of the landowner to make it difficult in practice for the Negro to move. On the other hand the landlord is able to direct the planting and all the mechanism of production. In the "third and fourth" system and all the gradations towards cash renting, the responsibility of the tenant is increased. He has a chance to make more; he bears more risk of failure. The cash renter if he is industrious and if prices rise may prosper; but the Negro cash renters of the Georgia black belt, without the superior direction of the landowners, became, in the words of a careful student “the poorest class of farmers to be found in any civilized country."

9

8

rice plantations, are described in Banks, "Economics and

Land Tenure in Georgia," pp. 62-67, and in Brooks, "Agrarian Revolution in Georgia," pp. 109-113. In the similar region of South Carolina, also, the negroes early acquired land-Pierce, the "Freedman's Bureau,” p. 13.

7 See especially Banks, op. cit., pp. 78-93; R. P. Brooks, op. cit., pp. 58-63; W. E. B. DuBois, "Negro Farmer," Census Bulletin, No. 8, pp. 78-81; Boeger and Goldenweiser, Tenant Systems of Farming in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta," passim.

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8 See below.

9 R. P. Brooks, op. cit., p. 89.

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10

This explanation should make it possible to avoid an error which may very easily arise from a superficial application of the statistics of the United States census. One reads that in the half-century between 1860 and 1910 the number of farms in the eleven States of the lower and middle South (excluding Maryland, Kentucky, West Virginia and Missouri) increased 353 per cent., although the area of farm lands in these States, notwithstanding the growth of Texas and of Florida increased but 43.3 per cent. In 1860 the average farm contained 365.1 acres of which 103.5 acres were improved. In 1910 the average farm had decreased in size to 115.3 acres of which 43.8 were improved. These averages in each case of course strike a balance between the largest and smallest farms. The statistics seem to show an enormous increase in the number of farms with a corresponding , reduction in size. As will be made plain below, such a development has actually taken place and one of the characteristics of the new South is the increase in the number of the small farms both under black and, prevailingly, under white ownership. But the statistics are misleading because it is the practice of the Census Bureau to class as a farm "all the land which is directly farmed by one person managing and conducting agricultural operations, either by his own labor alone or with the assistance of members of his house

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hold or hired employees." Consequently the land occupied by every tenant is classed as a "farm although his holding may be only a small fraction of an estate of many hundred acres the cultivation of which is under the direction of the landlord.

In the compilation of the thirteenth census12 the attempt was made for the first time to correct this erroneous impression by obtaining special information from 325 selected counties distributed through the eleven States from Tennessee and Virginia southward. The results showed that there were nearly 40,000 tenant plantations consisting of 5 or more single small farms. These plantations contained over 28,000,000 acres of farm land, of which nearly 16,000,000 acres were improved. This total acreage amounted to about one-tenth of all the land in farms of all sorts in these eleven States. The average plantation contained 724.2 acres, of which 405.3 acres were improved, as compared with an average acreage for farms of all sorts in these eleven States of 115.3 acres, of which 43.8 acres were improved. The average plantation was more than five times as large as the average farm.

10 In the half century between 1860 and 1910 a number of farms in the eleven States of the lower and middle South (excluding Maryland, Kentucky, West Virginia and Missouri) increased 353 per cent., although the area of farm lands in these States increased but 43.3 per cent., notwithstanding the growth of Texas and Florida. In 1860 the average farm contained 365.1 acres, of which 103.5 acres were improved. In 1910 the average farm had decreased in size to 115.3 acres, of which 43.8 were improved. Thirteenth Census, 1910, Agriculture, Vol. 5, p. 878.

11 Thirteenth Census, Abstract, p. 265, note 1.

12 Thirteenth Census, Agriculture, Vol. 5, chap. 12.

in the whole United States. The average tenant farm in the plantation contained only 38.5 acres of land of which 31.2 were improved. This system was both absolutely and relatively more important in Mississippi-especially in the Yazoo-Mississippi delta, than in any other area of the South, but Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina and Texas have sections that belong in the same category.

I have thought it necessary to present in some detail the survival of the plantation, which has so many analogies to the ante-bellum economy, because the conditions found in this cotton belt with its enormous preponderance of the Negro tenants are fundamental to an understanding of the thought of the South.

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It is outside of this wide area of the plantation that agriculture is carried on upon small farms under independent proprietors or renters. There were very many such farms in the South before the war; their number has enormously increased since. Part of the increase has been due to the breaking up of plantations, part to the development of new agricultural areas such as those of Texas and Oklahoma or of the Georgia "wire-grass region.13 To some extent, as will appear hereafter, the Negroes have shared in this tendency: but outside of the plantation area the prevailing type is that of the white farmer; and even in the plantation area the Italian immigrant has made a significant beginning. It is a remarkable fact that the Negroes located in the richer soils of the black belt, unless they are closely supervised by intelligent white direction, do less well than the small farmers who use fertilizers and better tools on the less productive soil. Though accurate statistics do not seem to be available it has been estimated that whereas in 1860 probably not more than 12 per cent. of the cotton crop was raised by white labor, in 1883 as much as 44 per cent. was raised by whites and that now more cotton is raised by white people than by blacks.15 This does not mean, of course, that there are fewer Negroes raising cotton: it clearly emphasizes the increase of the white farmers.

Other striking changes have marked the development of southern agriculture. In ante-bellum times little fertilizing was done; but the discovery of phosphate rock in South Carolina in 1867 opened the way to the use of commercial fertilizers which made the poorer soils available for cotton and other crops, and compensated for the decrease in productivity in the old cotton belt. More remarkable than this, however, is the utilization of the cotton seed. In the old economy this was pure waste. Scientific agriculture has demonstrated, however, the great value of cotton seed oil; and has shown that the seed, or better the meal after the oil has been extracted, or best of all, the animal manures obtained by feeding the meal and hulls to cattle, return, if applied to the soil, all the 13 Banks, op. cit., pp. 30-44; R. P. Brooks, op. cit., 104105.

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14 A. H. Stone, 'The Italian Cotton Grower," "South Atlantic Quarterly," Vol. 4, pp. 45-46.

15 W. L. Fleming, "S. in B. of N.," Vol. 5, p. 15.

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essential elements which the cotton has taken in its growth. This is where the white farmers, and those of the Negroes who have profited by agricultural training, enjoy the greatest advantage over their predecessors. Offsetting this is the destructiveness of the boll-weevil, which crossed the Rio Grande from Mexico in 1892-1893, rapidly spread over Texas and has since marched North and East fifty miles a year.' 17 The fight against this pest has stirred all the inventiveness of scientific agriculture. Earlier planting, the careful selection of seed and cleaner cultivation have made it possible to resist the weevil to some extent: and at least one good result has been to force the farmers to consider a variation of crops. The pursuit of more careful methods has brought about a recovery and increase of production in Texas, Arkansas and Oklahoma: but the problem in the old black belt, where it is a case of Negro versus boll-weevil, is a serious one.

By 1880, the South had caught up to the ante-bellum production of over five million bales of cotton. In 1914, the total production was over sixteen million, eight hundred thousand bales.18 Thus within twentyfive years, notwithstanding all the difficulties, the cotton production was trebled. But in accomplishing this, the ratio of the value of cotton as a crop to the value of other agricultural crops has been lessened. That is to say, there has been a marked increase in other crops, a return to some degree of diversification. In several States the cotton crop represents fifty or even sixty per cent. of the whole agricultural products in value: the publicity with which it is handled, and the interest which attaches to the price, but above all the unwillingness of banks to lend upon other crops: all these factors will help to explain the continuing prominence of cotton in popular psychology. No other single crop approaches cotton in value and no other general field crop available to a large portion of the South pays so much per acre. But the total value of other farm products vastly exceeds that of cotton.

19

Besides cotton the rice and cane-sugar crops are entirely Southern. Of other agricultural products the South raises a large share of the tobacco, peanuts and sweet potatoes. Of the cereals, taken as a whole, the South in 1909 produced something less than a third in value of the total production of the United States. The increase of value of the corn crop of the South Atlantic States was the highest of any geographic division of the United States except the mountain division of the West, and the increase in the West South Central division also was higher than that for the United States as a whole. In value the corn crop was 23.1 per cent. of the value of all crops in the South, as against 42.7 per cent. for the cotton crop.2

16 E. C. Brooks, "The Story of Cotton," pp. 358 ff. 17 Ibid, pp. 325-328.

20

18 U. S. Bureau of the Census, "Cotton Production,"

1914.

19 G. McCutchen, "The Case for Cotton," Bulletin University of South Carolina, October, 1915.

20 Thirteenth Census, Agriculture, Vol. 5, p. 549.

21

For the years since 1909 the statistics of the Department of Agriculture show a steady continuation of the progress of the Southern farmer.2 Reports of ten of the cotton-growing States have been studied by the Bureau of Crop Estimates. It appears that in these States, during the five years from 1909 to 1914, the cotton acreage varied little, constituting between 43 and 46 per cent. of the whole acreage: yet there was a strong upward trend to cotton prices, which would discourage diversification. Through 1914 the acreage in corn declined slightly: in that year it was 38.7 per cent. of the whole. The acreage of wheat, oats, and hay showed a steady increase. These three crops combined rose from 11 per cent. in 1911 to 18.6 per cent. in 1915. The year 1915, reflecting the results of the cotton panic of the year before, saw the most notable reduction in cotton acreage. The percentage fell from 44.9 per cent. in 1914 to 36.7 per cent. in 1915. Whether this will continue is extremely doubtful.

The Manufacturers' Record,22 estimating the value of the cotton and cotton seed of the crop of 1915 to be $750,000,000, points out that the value of the other crops in the South was more than two and one-half times as great as the value of the cotton crop; or in other words that the value of the cotton and the cotton seed was less than one third that of the whole farm crops of the Southern States.

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Inseparably connected with these agricultural developments has been that of a system of credits.23 In ante-bellum times credit for agricultural operations was furnished to the planter by the cotton factor, who transacted his business in one of the larger cities of the South. In the first years after the war, this system was re-established. But slaves were no longer the basis of security, and lands were heavily mortgaged. In this situation the legislature passed "crop lien laws, which "permitted the planters to mortgage their crops and gave to the holders of these mortgages a prior lien on the crops when they were harvested."24 The ill effect was to perpetuate and intensify a system by which the farmer was constantly in debt, but it is hard to see what other plan could at the time have been adopted. But very interesting changes have come about. The factor has largely given way to the country merchant, who accommodated not only the larger landowners, but the tenants. Moreover the increase in transportation facilities has developed the practice of interior buying, by which agents of the brokers, or even cotton manufacturers, buy cotton at interior points, and it is no longer necessary to wait for a factor to sell. The country merchant deals in general merchandise, and buys cotton. 21 Monthly Crop Report, February 29, 1916. 22 Issue of March 16, 1916.

66

23 Banks, op. cit., pp. 45-61; R. P. Brooks, op. cit., pp. 3234; Stone, "S. in B. of N.," Vol. 6, pp. 420-426; Agricul tural Credit and Crop Mortgages," and by the same author, "The Cotton Factorage System in the Southern States," "American Historical Review," Vol. 20, pp. 557 ff.

24 Stone, "S. in B. of N.," Vol. 6, 421.

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In so far as he feels unable to advance money on any other crop and dictates the raising of cotton, he represents an obstacle to a varied agriculture. In many cases the country merchant has come into possession of the land, which he leases out to tenants, thus playing both the role of the landlord and the role of a capitalist. Moreover, in recent years land mortgage companies have been of assistance and there has been a wide development of country banks, such as the Witham banks in Georgia. Naturally the South looks forward with a peculiar interest to the initiation of a system of rural credits under government control.

We pass from the realm of agriculture to that of manufactures, to consider the effect of the industrial revolution upon the South. In the decade 1899-1909 the value of the manufactured products of the South was 12.4 per cent. of that of the whole United States, and the rate of increase for the decade was 107.8 per cent. as against 81.2 per cent. for the entire country. The South with one-third of the population of the. country, contained in 1910 slightly more than onesixth of the total number of wage earners in manufacturing industries, contributed something over oneeighth of the total value of manufactured products and showed a more rapid increase for the decade than did any of the older sections.2

25

As in the case of England and New England, the first expansion of the factory system developed in the textile industries. In the later seventies the price of cotton fell to half that of 1870. Farming became less profitable. Before 1880, relatively few cotton factories had been established. But in 1890 it appeared that the number of spindles in North Carolina alone was more than three and one-half times the amount of ten years before, over $10,000,000 of capital were invested, and the North Carolina mills consumed nearly one-third of that State's cotton production. The next decade saw a rapid increase, and the prosperity of the cotton mills. The depressed condition of agriculture encouraged many to leave the farms and to come to the cotton mill towns. From these beginnings the factory system has developed in the manufacture of other products, and constitutes another phase of the social revolution which has had a powerful effect upon Southern life. In one respect, however, there has been an important contrast with the experience of New England. There, after the early years, a constant stream of foreign immigration has come in to furnish the labor supply. Operatives in the Southern mills, however, are practically all native whites. The rise of the factories has changed the life and employment of part of the South's own people instead of injecting a new element into the community. Again the development of New England industrialism carried with it the decline of agriculture: in the South the two pursuits have progressed side by side.

Coming into prominence at a late period when the mills of the East had passed though the formative 25 Thirteenth Census, Vol. 8, Manufacturers, pp. 77-79.

stages and become established, the Southern mills have seemed to many to thrive because of the lower wages and longer hours, and especially through the absence or inefficiency of child labor laws. There is much truth in this: but it is only fair to point out that the situation of the mills in the cotton producing regions is near water power, and the consequent saving in transportation and fuel was an important factor: and that the labor for the most part was not so skilled as that in the North. In recent years cotton has no longer brought the low prices of the nineties, and the farm has strongly competed with the mill. Much of the cotton, because of the great increase in the spindles, must now be brought from a distance, and the product has to be shipped to distant markets: fuel is more expensive, wages have risen. Massachusetts still holds the first place, but North and South Carolina compete for the second place, Rhode Island ranks fourth, then Georgia and, at a distance, Alabama. Now more cotton is consumed by the mills in the South than by those in the North. Hitherto the products of the South have been chiefly of the coarser grades, but the manufacture of finer materials steadily progresses.

As in other factory regions, there has developed the problem of regulating the labor of women and children. The social effects of the cotton mills have been a matter of much dispute. The evils have been painted in lurid colors. It is hardly open to question, however, that there have been very good results. Many mill owners have pursued an enlightened policy. The concentration of population in small towns has made schools possible where, under the former rural conditions, no effective schools had existed. The climatic conditions are far more favorable than in the North. If sanitation has been crude, there have been fewer overcrowded tenements. What is needed is better enforcement of reasonable laws, rather than too severe legislation. The agitation has had the good result of calling attention to the condition of the mountain whites, and splendid efforts have been made to carry education into the remoter sections, where a multitude of good English stock, possessing the very ballads of centuries ago, capable of development, but hitherto checked and limited by an unfavorable environment, awaits the enfranchisement of education.26

Cotton cloth is only one of the important manufac turing industries of the new South. Another likewise derives its raw material from the cotton plant. This is the crushing by machinery of cotton seed for the production of oil. The oil is shipped to Italy, where it is used as olive oil; it is employed in making artificial butter; it goes to make soap; it is used for packing fish.27 The cotton seed of the crop of 1909 was worth $142,000,000. Only about 60 per cent. of this seed went to the mill. The oil extracted was worth over $55,000,000; the cake and meal were worth over

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20 Besides the general references given above, D. A. Tompkins, The Mountain Whites as an Industrial Labor Fac tor in the South," "S. in B. of N.," Vol. 6, pp. 58-61.

27 E. C. Brooks, op. cit., pp. 361-362.

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