Another interference with local government in the South existed in the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which undertook to secure to the Negroes enjoyment of the facilities of hotels, theatres, means of transportation, and the like, and also to guarantee that there should be no discrimination in the selection of juries. In the interpretation of this act the Supreme Court upheld the last named provision, in 1879, in ex-parte Virginia and Virginia vs. Rives; but in the Civil Rights cases, in 1883, the court held void the Civil Rights Act, interpreting narrowly the Fourteenth Amendment, and declaring that such discriminations were matters for the States to adjust. Left free to manage their own affairs, the southern States now proceeded to rid themselves of the Negro vote by new State constitutions, substituting the forms of law for the violence or manipulation which had been necessary in Ku Klux days. As a "leading southern politician" said to Mr. James Bryce, in 1881, "We like the Negro, and we treat him well. We mean to continue doing so. But we vote him."4" Mississippi is one of the States in which there is the largest number of Negroes, and in which they outnumber the whites. In 1890 Mississippi adopted the first of the constitutions which, while scrupulously avoiding a formal violation of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendents, provide an elastic test," which may be operated to exclude the Negroes from the suffrage without excluding any considerable number of white voters. The example of Mississippi was followed five years later by South Carolina. Similar constitutional changes have been made by Louisiana in 1898, by Alabama in 1901, by North Carolina and Virginia in 1902, by Georgia in 1908, and by Oklahoma in 1910. Arkansas and Maryland defeated proposals of the same sort; Texas contented itself in 1903 with a poll tax requirement, which exists also in Tennessee. The disfranchising States have used two sorts of qualifications, the temporary and the permanent. The temporary qualifications were intended to safeguard for life white men who could vote when the change was made, with others almost of age. The qualification that has attracted most attention is the "grandfather clause," which provided for the registration of any who had served any time in the army or navy of the United States, or in the army or navy of the Confederacy; or of any who had the right to vote in 1867 (before the Reconstruction) and all lawful descendants of such persons. Often there are alternative qualifications. The permanent qualifications include besides those of age, sex, a residence and citizenship, education, property, “understanding and character," and the payment of taxes. The last is generally fixed. The Supreme Court of the United States has so far refused to interfere with these constitutions, except in the case of Oklahoma. In Williams vs. Mississippi (1898) and Giles vs. Teasley (1903) the court held, first, that it was not enough to show 47 J. Bryce, "The American Commonwealth," Vol. 2, pp. 278-279. Edition of 1889. " that evil was possible, but that the State had actually violated the amendments of the Federal constitution, and secondly, that a remedy must be sought from Congress, not from the courts. The Crumpacker bill," which has more than once made its appearance, undertook to carry out the provision of the Fourteenth Amendment, and threatened reduction in the congressional representation of an offending State; but the bill has never passed. It is quite certain that, up to this time, these States would prefer the reduction of representation to a return to Negro suffrage; but Congress has wisely decided not to awaken again the resentments and passions that have passed away. a Among the reasons for these enactments on the part of the South were in the beginning, the resentment of the South at the force bill which passed the House of Representatives in the administration of President Harrison; later, the fear aroused at the time of the Populist movement that the rivalry of the two white parties in the South might lead to a corrupt use of the Negro vote as was done in Reconstruction times; the sentiment for State-wide prohibition in the southern States, and the certainty that the Negro vote would be cast against such laws. The acquiescence of the country as a whole is to be explained, partly by the spreading of the conviction that the Negroes as a race were not prepared for the ballot, partly by a general sympathy with the wish of the South to accomplish its ends by legal means, partly by a better understanding of the problem of dealing with inferior peoples, as revealed in other countries than our own, for example in South Africa; and by the adoption by the Republican administration of a very different policy in the insular possessions. It is a well-known fact that "the process of withdrawing the suffrage from the Negroes" began in 1874, when the territorial government of the District of Columbia was abolished by Congress.48 IV. THE NEGRO.49 From the statistics of the United States census it may be deduced that a student in a public school in 48 A. B. Hart, in "Cyclopedia of American Government," Vol. 2, p. 517. are 49 The difficult negro problem may well be approached through two little books by W. D. Weatherford, "Negro Life in the South" (with a special chapter on "The Economic Condition of the Negro," by G. W. Dyer), and "Present Forces in Negro Progress." A. H. Stone's "Studies in the American Race Problem" is one of the few results of real investigation. E. G. Murphy's "Problems of the Present South," and the "Basis of Ascendancy" filled with the sweet reasonableness that characterized the author, and showed deep insight, but the style is rather diffused. J. R. Commons has a chapter in his "Races and Immigrants in America." Rural conditions are touched upon in the Country Life number of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. A. В. Hart has written the article, "Negro Problems" in the Cyclopedia of American Government, and has elaborated his view in "The Southern South." An interesting philosophical analysis is found in J. N. Mecklin's "Democracy and Race Friction." In the Twelfth Census, Supplementary Analysis, are T 1 1 a Massachusetts is rather more likely to have been born outside the limits of the United States or to be the child of foreign born parents than to have been born in this country. The splendid task of educating and assimilating the immigrant appears to the southerner problem" of the greatest seriousness and importance. For in both of the older divisions of the South more than nine-tenths of the people are native born of native parents. The problem of New England has, however, this element of simplicity that neither "color" nor "previous condition of servitude" play any appreciable part in it. In the New England division the Negroes in 1910 constituted but one per cent. of the population. The counties of Mitchell and Watauga, in the mountains of North Carolina, were so-called "white" counties containing together 589 Negroes as against more than 30,000 whites: but they contained more Negroes than the entire State of New Hampshire. The city of New Orleans with a total population about one-half that of Boston contained far more Negroes than there were in all the New England States together. There were more Negroes in Memphis or in Atlanta than in the mountain and Pacific divisions taken together. There were more Negroes in the one State of Georgia than in the whole country outside of the South. Eighty-nine per cent. of the Negroes in the United States are found in the southern States, which have about a third of the total population of the country; and of the whole popula chapters on "Negroes" and "The Negro Farmer." Bulletin No. 8 of the permanent Census Bureau, "Negroes in the United States," was prepared chiefly by W. L. Willcox and W. B. DuBois, the latter contributing the chapter on "The Negro Farmer." The later bulletin, No. 129 (1915), with the same title, is in some respects less satisfactory. Carl Kelsey's valuable "The Negro Farmer" relates principally to Virginia. W. E. B. DuBois has made a special study of the Negro landholder of Georgia, in Bulletin 35 of the Department of Labor. For the pursuits and institutions of the negroes other than the agricultural, the Atlanta University publications must be consulted. Eighteen have appeared under the editorship of W. E. DuBois, the last two are respectively: "The Negro American Artizan” and “Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans." The Southern Sociological Congress devotes much attention to the race problem in its publications. On the educational side are the publications of the Slater Fund, the Conference for Education in the South and the General Education Board. The "Southern Workman" is a periodical published at Hampton, Va. There is published at Tuskegee a Negro Year Book. Of special interest are the writings of the leading negroes. "Up from Slavery" is Booker T. Washington's account of his own life and work, besides which he has written "Working with Hands" (the story of Tuskegee), "My Larger Education," "The Future of the American Negro" and other works. Very different points of view are represented by Kelley Miller in his "Race Adjustment" and his "Out of the House of Bondage; " and by W. E. B. DuBois in his "Souls of Black Folk," "The Quest of the Silver Fleece" and "The Negro"-the last in the Home University Library. The most important special bibliographies on the negro question are listed in Channing, Hart and Turner's "Guide," p. 538. tion of the South the Negroes form 29.8 per cent. These conditions, with which may be profitably compared those in South Africa, together with the inheritances of the past, give rise to the Negro problem - the problem of allowing to each of two races, separate, but living side by side, the fullest opportunity for development and self-expression compatible with actual conditions as distinct from speculative theories. In one sense the problem is the nation's problem as all great problems are and deserves the best thought of men everywhere; in another sense it is a peculiar problem which the South must work out for itself. In the United States as a whole the native white population increased, in the decade 1900-1910, 20.8 per cent., the Negroes, practically all native born, increased 11.2 per cent. In the South the white population increased 24.4 per cent., the Negroes but 10.4 per cent. The only southern State in which the Negroes increased faster than the whites were, Arkansas, Oklahoma and West Virginia; on the other hand in Maryland, Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee the Negroes actually decreased in number. It seems fair to conclude then (1) that the Negroes as a whole are increasing less rapidly than the whites both in the South and in the nation; and (2) that there is a movement of the Negro population away from the border States (a) to the Southwest and (b) to the North. In 1910 there were reported 53 counties in the South in which 75 per cent. or more of the population was black. Except a few scattered counties in South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, these counties were in the Alabama black belt or in the land along either bank of the Mississippi River. Of the eight and three-quarter millions of Negroes in the Southern States, the vast majority in each State have a gainful occupation; " 880,836 farms in the South, worth over a billion dollars, were operated, in 1910, by Negroes. These farms were in number 28.4 per cent. of all the farms in the South, but the land in these farms constituted only 11.6 per cent. of the land in all farms. Of the farms operated_by Negroes 211,087 were operated by Negro owners, the rest, three-fourths of the whole number, by Negro tenants, except a few operated by Negro managers. The Negro-owned and operated farms were 4.4 per cent. of the total number of farms, and the value of these farms was 3.7 per cent. of the value of all farms and buildings. Of course, these general averages fail to show the variations in particular localities. In Georgia, Negro ownership in the decade increased 38 per cent.; in Texas but 5.2 per cent. In Virginia there were in 1910 twice as many Negro owners as tenants; in Georgia there were more than six times as many Negro tenants as owners. The rate of increase in value for the decade for the farms operated by Negroes was higher than the rate for whites. It is apparent then that the welfare of the vast majority of the Southern Negroes depends upon their efficiency in agriculture. And that this involves both the environment in which they work-that is, the influences from outside themselves which affect themand also the characteristics of the Negroes themselves. While arguments as to the size of the Negro brain and other physical and mental traits are often unconvincing, nevertheless there seem to be some race characteristics which as to the present and the past at least have been pretty clearly demonstrated. Of these improvidence, or the inability to discount the future, and an exaggerated sexual instinct work ill to the Negro. While good nature under ordinary conditions is one of the elements of salvation. Imitativeness also as distinct from constructive power, while furnishing a means of education, leads to much that is ridiculous or pathetic, as the case may be. It must be remembered that we are concerned with a social problem and not with one that deals merely with individuals. On the one hand, it is useless to despair of the Negro race because one's furnace man is incompetent or one's cook unreliable; it is equally futile to conceive of the Negroes as a mass as possessing latently the brilliance that has characterized rare individuals. Unless the Negroes as a race develop thrift and stability to the extent that some groups have done, the economic future is dark. It is alleged that the race prejudice of the whites has driven the Negroes from employment. To some extent this may be true, probably 50 Cf. Booker T. Washington's famous Atlanta speech, "Up from Slavery," pp. 219-225. more in the North than in the South. But the inMr. efficiency of the Negro has been a deeper cause. Stone has shown how the Italian has surpassed the Negro in cotton growing. The ousting of the Negro bootblacks by the Greeks in one after another Southern town illustrates a similar situation in the city. Thus a fair view of the past shows that the cropping system with all the attendant evils of possible peonage, and convict labor leases,51 now constantly on the decrease, has been the means of compelling some productivity on the part of the Negro and holding society together economically. If this system is to be outgrown and to yield either to a small Negro proprietorship or to a normal cash tendency, it must be through the education of the Negro farmer to greater efficiency. It is a matter of interesting speculation to think what would happen if some modern Eli Whitney were to invent a cotton-picking machine that would work consistently and universally under the varying conditions of cotton raising. It is not clear to what other pursuit the masses of the rural Negroes could turn. Thus the work of the States and of the General Education Board, described above, finds another field of supreme importance in the effort to reach the Negro farmer. Of chief influence, of course, has been the work of Hampton and Tuskegee, and a host of other schools of less fame and less resources, but of equally devoted and heroic service. Booker T. Washington's story of the family that possessed but one fork, but was buying a fifty-dollar organ on the instalment plan, reveals the great Negro educator's keen insight into the situation, and his whole work was directed towards making the Negro laborer efficient. Yet his advocacy of this policy has met with violent opposition from other leaders of the race and the so-called "Niagara Movement," forgetful of the lessons of the past, prefers to stress social and political equality. Over and above the progress that has been made and is being made by the Negroes themselves towards the betterment of the farm, the church, the home and the school, the most hopeful factor for the future lies in the increasing interest in the Negro problem manifested by the white men of the South. As Curry and Murphy have passed away their place has been taken by men like Dr. J. H. Dillard, the administrator of the Jeanes, Slater and Stokes funds, and by younger men like W. D. Weatherford, who represents the interest of the Young Men's Christian Association, the Rev. R. W. Patton, spokesman of the American Church Institute for Negroes, and Jackson Davis, of Virginia, who exercises supervision of rural Negro schools on the part of that State. Only a few months ago an association of Southern church colleges was established at Birmingham for the purpose of giving the moral support of forty Southern institutions of learning to the solution of the Southern phases of the exercise of lynch law.52 Another aspect of the Negro problem of increasingly serious import is the city Negro. N The Negro race has had no better friend than Edgar Gardner Murphy, who said: To call the weak strong, to call the ignorant wise, to press the refinements of Horatian prosody upon those whose problem is bread, to repose government in the hands of those who can naturally have no instincts concerning it except to welcome it as a Santa Claus or to sell it as a bauble; ruthlessly to anticipate capacities in the untried at the expense of the experiences, the interests and the capacities of the tribe is to touch all the solid integrities of society, the assumptions and supports of its elementary transactions with a vague and tottering madness."53 To prevent this and to do justice to the Negro is the purpose of the New South. For the vast majority of the Negroes living in the rural sections, the hope of the future, at least of the immediate future, lies in increased industrial efficiency, with the gradual growth of racial stability manifested as it already is by the development of Negro business men, bankers, lawyers and doctors supplying the needs of their own people. For the whole problem, the chief needs are, neither appeals to passion, nor conclusions hastily derived from sentimental journeys, but sober study and patience." 52 Cutler, "Lynch Law." Murphy, "Problems of the Present South," pp. 171 ff. 53 E. G. Murphy, "The Basis of Ascendancy," p. 227. The History Notebook in Secondary Schools BY ROBERT D. ARMSTRONG, HISTORY DEPARTMENT, HIGH SCHOOL, HAMMOND, IND. The proper use of a notebook in the teaching of history in secondary schools has been the subject of much disagreement. Many teachers would reduce the notebook work to a minimum, believing that it is not worth the time it takes. Others would make the notebook a means of summarizing the whole content of the course. It is impossible to lay down in an arbitrary manner a notebook form that should be used by all teachers, with all classes and for all courses. The notebook must vary according to the subject-matter of the course and the degree of advancement of the pupils, and every teacher will adopt the form that best expresses his own viewpoint and his own theories in regard to history study. However, there are some things upon which agreement can be reached, and presentation of the notebook theories of one teacher cannot fail to be of value to others, if only by a horrible example to warn them what to avoid. My work has been chiefly in the fields of medieval and ancient history, to which we give one semester each. My pupils, for the most part, are freshmen and sophomores, and it should be mentioned also that our students enter the high school in the eighth year, the grade work being completed in seven years. With beginning students notebook work has a strong disciplinary value, and this is my excuse for requiring quite a heavy notebook. That the chief aim of history teaching in the early years of high school should be to develop careful habits of study is a truism. It is more important that a freshman or sophomore should learn how to analyze a lesson and visualize the personalities and events portrayed therein than that he should learn much history. The facts themselves he may soon forget; the method, if properly taught and mastered, will re☐ main with him as a priceless possession, a sort of touchstone, so to speak. The distinction between aims, moreover, is more apparent than real, for if the method is employed from the first and properly emphasized by the teacher, the facts themselves will be impressed almost indelibly upon the memory. These boys and girls come to us from the grades with very little training in the methods of thought and study that mature people employ. Hitherto they have studied history almost entirely from the personal and biographical angle. With abstract ideas and generalizations they are comparatively unfamiliar. It is our task gradually to introduce them to new viewpoints and new ways of looking at history. Without instruction in methods of study they are apt to flounder and to lose their grip on their work. As a means of checking upon their methods of study, I have my pupils keep a study notebook. In this study notebook I have them make an outline of each assignment as they study the lesson. I require them to make these outlines in as much detail as pos sible, for I believe that such study teaches them to analyze and get the essential facts from the lesson, concentrates their attention upon what they are doing and condenses the subject-matter of the lesson in tabloid form. I spend the first day in teaching them how to attack and master a lesson. I explain carefully how an outline should be made, why I require them to make it, and how it will help them. I insist rigidly upon their keeping up these outlines every day, and condign punishment is visited upon the head of the luckless offender who comes to class without it. The results are astonishing. A pupil who fails Monday on a lesson which he has not outlined will make an A recitation Tuesday upon the next lesson, which he invariably outlines after being urged and admonished with much vigor to follow my instructions. In the supervised study period, which directly follows the recitation, I assist backward students for a time in the preparation of their lessons. They soon catch the idea and become quite enthusiastic over the results of the use of an outline, which they appreciate as much as anyone else. Students who study in this way comprehend the relation of different parts of the lesson to each other and acquire habits of analysis and careful statement which are invaluable. Of course, there are other important factors involved in lesson preparation, such as map study, learning the meaning of new words, mastering important names and dates, and developing sound criticisms upon men and movements. These, however, are worth a whole paper to themselves and a discussion of them would lead us far afield. Neither are they within the scope of a study notebook. Presumably the pupil comes to the classroom with the best command of the subject that he can gain unaided. The functions of the recitation are to check up the student's preparation, to broaden his knowledge by developing other facts and clearing up difficult points, and to enrich his point of view. The recitation is the central point of the process. It is the forum in which the student's study is consummated and the real teaching done. We are to assume that at the close of the recitation the topic is fairly well understood. What, then, are the functions of the permanent notebook? Notebooks are of two kinds, the study notebook, which has been already discussed, and the perma nent loose-leaf notebook. The former is of use in mastering the text and in preparing for the recitation; the latter is of use in preserving in permanent. form the broadened knowledge that has come from the recitation. I take it that we should require a permanent notebook with the following purposes: 1. To promote definiteness and thoroughness and to crystallize hazy impressions into definite ideas. 2. To give opportunity to each pupil to make a personal and definite application of the knowledge that has been gained in the recitation, 3. By the force of repetition to fix important facts firmly in the memory, 4. To provide useful material for a comprehensive review. 1. The average high school student, when he permits himself the luxury of independent thought, is prone to make hasty generalizations. His lack of experience, his limited reading and study, when joined with the desire to solve the world's problems, which begins to manifest itself during this period, sometimes results in some very remarkable, even weird, ideas. His thinking is characteristically indefinite and his mental processes obscure. He dislikes to follow an idea to its logical conclusion. When listening to some of his half-baked efforts, we are fain to exclaim with Hamlet, “Words, words, words." It is far from our purpose to kill the enthusiasm which prompts these effusions; it is our duty as teachers to guide and correct it. We must train them in habits of logical thinking and deliberate analysis. Blessed is the teacher who can arouse the divine park and direct it to some useful purpose. If not so directed, it is dangerous. There is nothing that so tends to control and correct indefinite habits of thought as writing things out in cold black and white. The vacuity of thought that has concealed itself behind a flow of words during a recitation stands revealed in all its hollowness when an attempt is made to express it on paper. The student who has not thought out the questions raised in the assignment and who has not been called upon to express himself during the recitation is forced to do some real thinking before he can write a notebook exercise that will pass muster. There is no other means of checking on this point and of correcting this evil than conscientious notebook work. If for no other reason than this, a notebook would justify itself. 2. Closely akin to this purpose is the purpose of giving each pupil an opportunity to make a personal application of his knowledge. It is a well settled principle of psychology that to arouse mental states without making some definite use of them, is unwise. In the religious field, we are told that one of the great spiritual dangers comes from arousing religious feeling and sentiment and then allowing the time of inspiration to go by without action, and letting the precious flood waste itself upon the ground. The connection between thought and action should never be broken. The only useful thought is the one that has some definite and tangible result. We recognize this principle in our science and mathematics teaching. Some generalization made, some principle grasped, it must at once be applied. In science work, we send the student to the laboratory, where he may gain a firmer grasp upon the abstract principle by applying it in the concrete. In mathematics, we give the student problems, in order that he may put the generalized principle to the practical test, and we hold that the pupil who cannot work the problems has not made any satisfactory use of the principle. In other words, the principle has been grasped only in order that the pupil may be able to do his task, whether it be laboratory exercise or algebra problem. If this be true, how much more necessary that the same principle should be applied in history teaching, where the student's grasp is apt to be incomplete and vague enough at best. From this viewpoint the notebook is a collection of different kinds of applications of what has been learned. That is to say, by the use of the notebook, an application is made by each pupil of the knowledge which has been only partially and incompletely expressed by any one pupil during the recitation. Moreover, the application is not verbal like the recitation; it is written, which, as we have seen, insures more definiteness and comprehensiveness than can be expected in a verbal recitation by a high school underclassman. That this view of the function of the notebook is based upon sound pedagogy, I think, will be admitted. 3. Another benefit that follows from the use of the notebook is that by repetition the important things are fixed more firmly in the memory. Many high school pupils in the early years seem to think that they have satisfied the demands of study if they have read over" the lesson. That one of the fundamental principles of learning is repetition seems never to occur to them. While "mere memorizing" has been roundly denounced of late years, and with much justice, we are in danger of going to the opposite extreme and sacrificing the memory element altogether in attempting to encourage individual points of view. The two aims are not contradictory; they are merely concerned with different types of subject matter. There are some things in history about which opinions will always differ, according to the point of view and the intellectual makeup of the student. It would be the height of folly to suppress these viewpoints and to make history study a "mere memorizing process;" to do so would be to crush out of history study all that makes it vital and worth while. But there are other things to which there is only one answer. It would be profitless to shrink from memorizing the date of the coronation of Charlemagne or the location of Crecy, or to encourage speculation as to the extent of the domains of Charles V. There is no room for speculation; the answer is either right or wrong. The answer cannot be evolved out of the cosmic consciousness of the student; it must be learned from the map or from the text and memorized by repetition. And unless we memorize certain dates and geographical facts as a basis for our points of view, where is the definite background for our speculations? We cannot escape from the conclusion that memorizing, hateful as the word may sound, is an essential factor in history study. And the notebook, in which written work such as maps, tables and outlines can be inserted, is performing an important service in |