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best of all by the intelligent and persistent use of physical maps, the students must be forced to visualize the physical basis of our history.
The treatment of colonial land and labor systems in the ordinary text is almost nil. In most of the textbooks on industrial and economic history, it is perfunctory and vague. If the admirable books of Weeden" and Bruce or any of the remarkable series of monographs contained in the Columbia Studies are available, the teacher, at least, can prepare himself. The chapters in Volume II of Professor Channing's History of the United States' will go far to clear up matters. It is hardly possible to give the ordinary class a very clear idea of the organization and development of the New England town without an informal lecture illustrated by simple diagrams. The available illustrations, such as the maps of the Dedham "Divident" and others, should be studied and discussed in class, but a simplified and idealized plan of a typical town will go much farther to convey the idea as the students watch the laying out of homelots, fields, meadows, commons, etc., during the construction of the diagram on the blackboard.
When the question of land tenure in the southern colonies is reached the physical map must be kept before the class. The river systems of Virginia and the Carolinas must be noted. In a day when water was the only economical means of transportation, water frontage was indispensable, and the plantations soon stretched along the rivers to the fall line leaving the uplands of the divides undisturbed for a long time If the teacher could have searched through Hening's Statutes of Virginia for the first hundred years and observed how much waterways were a subject of legislation and how little attention was paid to highways, how heavy fines were assessed for losing or stealing boats while horses ran wild in the uplands and became a nuisance and how the principal duties of a parish highway overseer included the clearing of fallen trees and other obstructions from the creeks and rivers, the picture of agricultural and commercial life in the Old Dominion could be made real.
The study of white servitude and Negro slavery is so closely related to the questions of agriculture and land tenure that the same literature will often do for both. If the school or the public library is fortunate enough to possess a set of the Documentary History of Industrial Society, a few well-chosen extracts from the first two volumes will prove invaluable helps. Old newspapers, if happily they are available, will furnish advertisements of shiploads of redemptioners for sale as well as notices of runaway servants and slaves. One of the classified lists of workers offered for sale will go farther than much lecturing to show that these
white servants were not all ignorant, unskilled laborers from the lowest classes. Periodical literature, in general, throws but little light on these questions. Some suggestions found in articles published in the HISTORY TEACHER'S MAGAZINE from time to time are among the most pertinent and practical aids. Two recent articles by Professor Marcus W. Jernegan are exceedingly illuminating and suggestive as well as authentic. The part played by the freedmen and the Scotch-Irish and Germans who came as freemen, in settling up the back country and laying the basis for industrial and political sectionalism in the South, must be presented and its bearings on later history suggested.
The broad differences between agriculture in New England, the Middle States and the South should be sketched. The social, economic and political aspects of these differences as they affected ideas of education, industry and local government must be noted. The teacher should avoid, however, making assertions more sweeping than the facts allow. A brief glance at George Washington's diary and account books as presented in Haworth's new book or in the pages of
American Husbandry,"10 will convince one that many Virginians did try to raise other crops than tobacco and that statement should be qualified. It is even possible to find some evidence of industries other than agriculture in the southern colonies.
It is apparent that the colonial farmer, especially in the north, must be a "jack of all trades.' It is easy to bring in the story of fishing, furtrapping, saltmaking, shipbuilding, iron mining, household industries and other means by which the colonist eked out a living. In connection with the fishing and the account of England's navigation laws, a chance is given for a rapid tracing of commercial development. The Woollen and similar acts cannot be understood without some account of household manufactures.
It is but a step from the story of colonial industries to the British colonial attitude toward these industries. British colonial legislation is a story of attempts to control the plantations in the economic interest of the island citizens. Each act in turn gives us occasion to trace the development of the particular form of agriculture, manufacture or commerce that gave it rise. In the end it was insistent industrial and commercial restriction that led to the enunciation of constitutional principles and the loss of the colonies.
It is not necessary to disturb the customary story of the Revolution in order to introduce the industrial side of the war. The Sugar Act, Stamp Act, Town
8 Jernegan, Marcus W. Indentured Servitude. A Forgotten Slavery of Colonial Days." "Harper's," October, 1913, 127, 745-751.
"Slavery and Conversion in the American Colonies." "American Historical Review," April, 1916, XXI, 504-527.
"George Washington, Farmer."
10 "American Husbandry." Anonymous. London, 1775. See Vol. I, p. 228.
shend Acts and Oppressive Acts, and such episodes as the struggle over writs of assistance, the Boston Tea Party and others should not be studied without some reference to their economic background. Equally important are their effects seen in the growing at tempts to bring economic pressure to bear upon Parliament through English merchants, by non-importation agreements, local, colony-wide and finally continental, as expressed in the agreement drawn up by the First Continental Congress.11 This document should be read by sections to the class and explained, in order that the students may know the real basis for colonial complaint. So, too, the Declaration of Independence may be studied in its usual setting, but a few minutes devoted to the personnel of the Congress that drew it up and the list of grievances in the document itself will help to give it its economic bearing.
The French alliance, Valley Forge and the Newburg Addresses may well be used to introduce the story of colonial finance. This may be in the form of a brief lecture or recital by the teacher, but better still by specific questions accompanied by detailed references to economic histories, extracts from the sources or longer accounts. Apt quotations from Revolutionary notables will create a lasting impres
The commercial conditions during the period immediately after the war cannot be understood without some idea of the effects of the Revolution in cutting off American shipping and foreign commerce and stimulating home manufactures. Tables and diagrams showing imports and exports12 and statements of contemporaries such as that of David Ramsay printed in Bogart and Thompson's new Readings in the Economic History of the United States 13 will quickly fix this point.
So much has been said and printed about commercial and industrial necessity as the source of our constitution that it should not be difficult to give this phase its proper emphasis. The real problem is to see just how important a part industrial and economic life had in giving birth to the new nation and in giving shape and direction to it during its early years. This calls for a study of the influences brought to bear upon early congresses under the Constitution and the legislation enacted as a result. When it is discovered that laws encouraging and protecting shipping, commerce and manufactures as well as inventive and mechanical progress, comprise the bulk of these early efforts and that statistics prove the immediate effectiveness of some of these acts, the groundwork is laid. For the high school student the reading to cover this in the time that can be allotted to it is un
fortunately scanty. The excellent chapter on National Beginnings in Miss Coman's Industrial History of the United States14 is almost indispensable as a supple-` ment to the ordinary text. Page references to Taussig's Tariff History, to many texts and the larger general histories will help some where there is time for it. Carefully selected extracts from the sources as found in several well-known source-books and collections of " readings" will go far to fill out the story. A study of selected portions of Hamilton's Report on Manufacturers 15 will give the protectionist argument as presented in that far-off day. Attention should be called to the fact that Hamilton advocated the development of a manufacturing system because, among other things, it would give steady employment to women and children.1 This he held to be a distinct and unqualified advantage. Even Washington, nearly three years before had fathered such a sentiment in a letter to Lafayette.17 The students should be asked if this was a valid argument. Few high school classes, indeed, will not include some individuals with sufficient grasp of present-day social problems and knowledge of current events to see the defects of this argument. Once the twentieth century viewpoint is made plain the explanation follows in developing by question and suggestion the fact that America in 1791 had no manufacturing system. Hamilton as well as others must have been unfamiliar with the momentous social and economic results of the industrial revolution already in progress on the other side of the Atlantic. A very casual search through the writings of Englishmen of that day reveals the fact that the evils of modern industrialism were already apparent and crying for remedy. For instance, Thomas Cooper, a lawyer and manufacturer of Manchester until 1793 and afterwards a citizen of the United States, wrote in 1794: "I detest the manufacturing system you must in this system have a large portion of the people converted into mere machines, ignorant, debauched, and brutal, that the surplus value of their labor of 12 or 14 hours a day may go into the pockets and supply the luxuries of rich commercial and manufacturing capitalists. I detest the system and am grieved to see that so sensible a man as Mr. Hamilton can urge, in his report on American manufactures, their furnishing employment to children, as an argument for their being established in America. I hope to see the time come when not only childhood but the youth of the poorest inhabitant of this country, female as well as male, shall be employed in the improvement of their understanding under some system of national education and in labor no further than is conducive to health and pleasure. . even manhood was not intended for incessant labor, nor is the system
14 Coman. "Industrial History," Chapter V. "State Papers on the Tariff,” 1-107.
15 Taussig, F. W. New York, 1910.
16 Ibid, 19.
17 Callender, Guy S. "Selections from the Economic History of the United States," 234. Boston, 1909.
of incessant labor conducive to human happiness."18 The writings of Cooper, Franklin and others may be quoted as representative of those who believed the inexhaustible suply of free land would keep America an agricultural country for many years to come.19
The petitions with which the first Congress was besieged and the debates that followed indicate a great divergency of interests and demands, particularly concerning protection to manufactures and encouragement to shipping. These conflicts represent industrial differences between sections, broadly speaking between North and South, but also to divisions and elements within the sections, e.g., the rivalry between shipping and manufacturing interests in the North. By a rapid survey it can be shown that these sectional conflicts have appeared in the making of every tariff and shipping bill down to the very latest. The alignment has been shifted from time to time and sometimes has been badly warped in political trades and alliances-sectionalism has changed form and termsbut the thing itself has always been with us. The teacher should localize the appeal by references to well-known sectional views. The western farmer, for example, has always been inclined to oppose tariffs on textiles, steel, iron and machinery, leather and other eastern products. It has been very easy in many cases to get him to think the tariff an unmixed evil. When, however, through "reciprocity treaties" or otherwise, a proposal is made to remove the tariff from farm products-wheat, butter, eggs, raw wool or what not-his views on the theory of the tariff have undergone a sudden and profound modification.
The War of 1812 cannot be taught in its true significance until the story of the amazing growth of American shipping down to 1810 is told. The Orders in Council and Napoleonic Decrees, the embargo and non-intercourse acts, are not half told unless the consequences to American shipping, manufactures and agriculture are considered. The facts of the wonderful expansion in cotton and woollen milling and iron manufacture are not understood without some knowledge of the English industrial revolution of the eighteenth century and that story must come into any complete course of American history, either by assigned readings or a short, simple, illustrated lecture. A great deal of time need not be taken for this, but the essentials of the story should be emphasized. When it is clear that what was taking place in America between 1805 and 1815 was really the first stages of the Industrial Revolution, some thirty or forty years behind England, but ahead of most continental European countries,20 the tariff of 1816 ceases to be a bugbear and an enigma. A brief comparison of
18 Cooper, Thomas. "Some Information Concerning America," pp. 77-79. London, 1794.
19 Ibid, pp. 1-2. Callender, "Economic History," pp. 3536 and 75-76.
20 Bogart, Ernest Ludlow. "Economic History of the United States," Chapter XII. Third edition. New York, 1914.
Dallas's report on manufactures21 with that of Hamilton a quarter of a century before will attest the increased knowledge of industrial affairs possessed by Americans. New England's disaffection as expressed by the Hartford Convention had a distinctly economic background. It should be noted and the students cautioned to watch for future manifestations of the same kind.
The great political struggles that make up the history of the United States down to 1860 have nearly all of them in common industrial and social questions as a background. The entrance of the West still further complicated matters and made possible shifting combinations to gain economic ends through legislation. As territorial expansion and the westward movement of population developed, the industrial rivalry of the older sections became a struggle to control or retard the new sections in the interests of the old. In turn the industrial development of the new lands to the West raised new political questions. Detailed study of the industrial progress of the sections can be much or little, depending upon time and the ingenuity of the teacher, but at least the broad outlines must be sketched and the suggestion of economic setting made for each event or movement. Much of this can be done by setting concrete problems before the students. Why was Webster for free trade and sectional rights in 1811 and for the tariff and national existence in 1830? Why was Calhoun a strong nationalist in 1811 and the leader of States' rights and nullification in 1828 and 1832? Whence did Albert Gallatin get his clear view as to the need for internal improvements? Why was Clay always for tariffs and internal improvements? Why was Benton so enthusiastically in favor of hard money and an increase of western influence in the government? What projects were first in Douglas's program from the time he entered the Senate and why? What were the reasons back of the long series of compromises over the question of slavery in the territories? Why did Texas revolt from Mexico in 1836? Why did the East oppose all measures calculated to hasten the settling up of the West? What part did advances in transportation play in westward expansion and agricultural development? These questions and many more, properly handled, will give the industrial setting for the story of national development.
The industrial differences between North and South forced the political dispute that culminated in the Civil War. The questions of morality and constitutional theory should not be minimized for a minute, but the fact remains that industrial and economic differences converted a doctrinary dispute into irrepressible conflict." The sections had grown so far apart that sympathy among the leaders was largely impossible. If the political history of the country to 1860 has been studied with cause and effect always in mind, the class approaches the Civil War period prepared for this conclusion. In the end the great struggle itself appears largely as a decisive
21 Taussig, "State Papers on the Tariff," pp. 214-251.
conflict between the industrial systems built up on
Though more complex in many ways, the danger of omitting the industrial side of American history since the Civil War is really less, for industrialism took the upper hand in American affairs during that struggle and has maintained it since. It is probably safe to say that the industrial revolution, with its con comitants of capitalism, class consciousness and social changes, made more progress during the decade of the sixties than in several preceding. There is small chance of failing to see the industrial bearing of most public questions, since the elements of constitutional and political theory are largely eliminated and questions are debated on their merits, strictly as matters of economic wisdom or unwisdom, expediency or inexpediency.
The complexity and magnitude of industrial development during the last half-century, as well as the
24 Schwab, John C. "The Confederate States of America." New York, 1901.
"Some Neglected Aspects of
25 Mahan, Captain A. T. War," p. 171. Boston, 1907.
The problem of giving the industrial side of high school history its proper emphasis is to a certain extent a problem of properly written textbooks. Still more it is a problem of proper library facilities. To a far greater extent-most of all—it is a problem of the properly trained and equipped teacher who knows industrial history and knows its place. Without such a teacher the work must wait until the adequate textbook and guide comes and then be done in a halfhearted way.
22 Dodd, William E. "Expansion and Conflict." Boston, 1915. 28 Fite, Emerson David. "Social and Industrial Conditions in the North During the Civil War." New York, taught merely a different viewpoint to be taken. It
Above all, it is not a new history that is to be
is causes and explanations that are to be sought as much as events themselves. It is the emphasis that counts. Not every historical event can be explained economically. Few can be explained entirely that There is a growing tendency among many to
fact that it is recent history render the teacher's task far more exacting, even though more obvious. It requires intimate knowledge of details in many fields together with a faculty for selection and grouping, comprising a real test of historical training. Not only must the course include the development of industries as found in text, and reference books and periodicals, but it must include their latest phases as presented in the fleeting form of the morning paper, advertisement, catalog, railroad folder and a thousand other publications. Much of this is impossible in the high school course, but the outlines can be fixed largely through the proper direction of the student's outside reading and through special reports. Here again the setting of concrete problems as suggested earlier must not be overlooked. The students should be encouraged in the collection of all types of material, newspaper clippings, pictures, folders, catalogs, public documents, departmental bulletins and many others.
This study of industrial history draws upon the general reading and first hand knowledge of the students as perhaps no other study can do. This is a positive virtue—it makes all of the knowledge at hand available and breaks down the artificial boundaries that courses tend to throw around their little monopolistic fields. Students are at first shocked and then pleased to find that information gleɛned in courses in economics, sociology, civics, engineering, science, agriculture, farm management, from the daily papers, and from their own travels and observations, is accepted and evaluated in the history class. Properly handled this should be of far-reaching effect in developing individuality and initiative along right lines.
Of all students, those studying industrial history should be interested in current events. Most of the great industrial movements are still in process and the logical continuation of the textbook story is to be found in the dailies and weeklies. The high school student should be encouraged to look for news in the industrial world as well as the more stirring events of politics and war. Even the latter should be handled so as to show their industrial bearing. The class room exercises should allow for a discussion of these current events.
flout all other history and accept the economic interpretation for everything. In this perversion may be as much of error as in the ignoring of the economic. There has never been a time when intellectual, moral and spiritual influences and ideals have not played a part in shaping events. Constitutional theory and moral propaganda have something more than mere economic struggle at their bases. Notwithstanding these profound exceptions it is safe to say that, in a large part, human desire and human action are based on economic interest and that, in a far larger degree than the older historians were wont to admit, the history of industry is the history of humanity. Often idealism itself is based on the desire of unselfish individuals to get for down-trodden groups their fair share of economic goods. The following words of Admiral Mahan are powerfully suggestive even though some of us might wish to discount them slightly.
"Economical facts largely brought about the separation of America from Great Britain; economical facts brought about the American union and continue to bind it. The closer union of the territories which now constitute the British Empire must be found in economical adjustments: the fact of common race is not sufficient thereto. Now, economical influences are of the most purely material order-the order of personal self interest; in that form at least they appeal to the great majority, for the instructed political economists form but a small proportion of any community. Race, yes; territory-country-yes; the heart thrills, the eyes fill, self-sacrifice seems natural; the moral motive for the moment prevails; but in the long run the hard pressure of economical truth comes down upon these with the tyranny of the despot. There are indeed noble leaders not a few, who see in this crushing burden upon their fellow millions an enemy to be confronted and vanquished . . . so giving play to the loftier sentiments. But their very mission, alike in its successes and failures, testifies to the preponderant weight of economical conditions in the social world.
Nor in the social world only. We shall not see aright the political movement of the world at large, the course of history past and present, until we discern underlying all, consciously or blindly, these primitive physical necessities directing the desires of the peoples, and through them the course of their governments."26
To the trained student of industrial and economic history, the observations made herein must seem obvious if not pertinent. Such persons, if teaching high school history, will have solved the problem already. For the teacher who has not reached a solution, these remarks are intended as suggestivenever as a guide. No attempt at extensive bibliography has been made because in the main the intention has been to show what could be done with the material already at hand to show the industrial side of history, and for the further reason that extensive biblio
26 Mahan. "Neglected Aspects of War," pp. 79-80.
graphies can be found in the texts and guides in industrial history, an acquaintance with which is absolutely essential before the beginner can hope for any consistent results in his presentation of history from this angle. The high school history teacher who comes to know thoroughly the books of Bogart, Thompson, Callender and Coman mentioned in these pages is in a fair way to present the basic facts of American industrial history. A selection of texts almost as limited will give the outlines of European and world industrial history. Bibliographical suggestions enough will be found in these books. In addition the teacher should have some acquaintance with economic ideas and the development of economic thought to help him get his bearings. If he has not had the advantage of college training along these lines, he must read something of the best that has been written. Many books have appeared purporting to expound the theory of economic interpretation. Two of the best of these are the books of Professors Seligman27 and Haney;38 they will help any teacher or student in his efforts to define a well-balanced theory of history.
The History Teacher's Magazine
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MISS ANNA B. THOMPSON, Thayer Academy, South Braintree, Mass.
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27 Seligman, Edwin R. A. "The Economic Interpretation of History." New York, 1903.
28 Haney, Lewis H. "History of Economic Thought." New York, 1915.