nitude of this tremendous total of present, daily clear-ings in our national metropolis-substantially $300,000,000. Here is Worcester (Mass.) with $172,000, 000 of assessed value. Yet all the wealth of property - here on the 381/2 square miles of Worcester's area is less than five-eighths of the daily business of the New York Clearing House. The number of immigrants that came to us in 1870 was 387,260. The average number for the last decade has been 1,000,000 a year. The number that came last year was 1,218,486, more than seven times the population of the city of Worcester, the thirty-third in size in this country, with its 170,000 people.

1

Imagine all of these 1,200,000 immigrants coming to us at the same time, instead of scattered through the year-say 2,000 to a ship in the necessary 600 vessels. Imagine these vessels arranged in a column twenty ships wide and thirty deep. Imagine ourselves on a height overlooking the Atlantic and seeing this fleet bearing this great invading host to our shores. What a wonderful sight! How long it would take to count the ships, giving to each only

- the briefest possible passing glance! No person livIng or dead ever saw, in reality, such an aggregation of large vessels. And what an enormous body of newcomers, the equivalent in number of 1,200 regiments! These people when they came, had, on the average, but $25.00, the merest pittance; but, in the aggregate, they had $30,000,000. And the entry tax of $4.00 a person must have poured into our national treasury nearly $5,000,000. But the strangest thing of all about the coming of this host was that it was swallowed up in our immensely greater population so quietly that it was practically unnoticed by our nation.

In 1898 when Fate placed on our national front doorstep a Philippine infant with clothes of Spanish make for which we saw fit to pay $20,000,000-we grew in territorial area, in population and in responsibility. Since then we have been fathering this infant with some qualms of conscience, wondering whether we can give to it a full measure of parental - love and devotion while denying to it some of the - privileges and freedom of our home.

Our country has had a marvelous development since, say 1870, in the growth of our cities, the increase of our Western population, the extension of our railroads, the development of our manufacturing, the making of vast private fortunes, the building up of great corporations and the massing of laborers in large aggregations. Our country's growth along these lines since 1870 has been astounding; perfectly normal and easily explainable, but nevertheless

tounding.

as

But it is not so much the growth that I am thinking of as the consequences of this growth. The above-mentioned developments have brought great problems in their train. And they have given rise to flagrant evils, many of which evils have been possible simply because the developments have been so rapid that current thought has not been able to keep up with them and make laws and regulations for

their control. Our nation since 1870 has outgrown many of its laws, as clearly as any youngster ever outgrew his clothes.

cities

To illustrate, the rapid growth of our brought opportunities to the thrifty and farseeing who were able to get most valuable franchises for street railroads or other municipal enterprises for a song, or who profited by getting themselves elected to office and therein seeking chiefly their own benefit. They were able to do this because the voters of the cities were unaware of their civic needs and of their civic possessions. But these city voters roused at last by ill treatment from those to whom they had given their treasures for little or no price, investigated their ills and took measures looking towards municipal reform. However, the recent happenings at Terre Haute and the writhing of New York City, under the control of the State legislature-the city having over half the population, less than half the legislature and paying three-quarters of the taxes of the whole State with probably thousands of other cases of municipal overturnings or discontent, show that the solution of satisfactory municipal government has not been found-at least for all places.

The rapid settlement of the West carried with it the center of population, sent new forces with new ideas to Congress, and poured back to the East such streams of grain, flour, meat and fruits as brought disaster to New England farmers and changed the very manner of our living.

No such great railway systems ever existed as have been developed in this country since 1870, and no such combinations of capital for industrial purposes were ever formed as have been made in this coun

try during the last forty-five years. And with the great power of these immense organizations have come to their managers temptations such as always come to the strong. And these temptations have led to many alleged and to some real abuses of the public. The press of the country has taken up these matters, politicians have revelled in them, our great national parties have vied with each other in efforts for their reform, suits have been brought against corporations by States and the nation, and the result has been that the country has been stirred to its depths. In this period of disturbance, while unfair business methods have been rooted out, so many reckless and indiscriminate attacks have been made on capital and investors that not only have honest employers of labor been harmed, but great peril has impended over labor itself through a decrease in investments such as give labor employment. However, we trust a wise reaction, fostering every legitimate business, through proper treatment of investors, has begun and is gathering force with the passing months.

This great national growth, with its vast network of ramifying results the Sherman Anti-trust Act, the Interstate Commerce Act, the public service commissions, the recently formed Federal Trade Commission, etc., etc. is the leading characteristic, the overshadowing feature of our recent history.

This, therefore, I would make the central feature in the teaching of recent American history. And for the sake of simplicity, for the sake of that clearness which makes for good teaching, I would take this whole complex matter as a single thing: for analysis; for logical study; that our pupils may not be confused by considering its different parts by themselves, but that they may see them clearly in their relations to one another, under the one simple head, our country's rapid growth and its consequences.

It has seemed best to have our pupils chart this matter in three parallel columns, placing in the first a list of the things that have had rapid growth, in the second column a list of ill effects resulting from these rapid changes, and in the third, whatever correctives have been made and applied. We believe that the making of such a chart is most helpful to the pupils, that it aids them in thinking around and through the subject, and that they thus fix it in mind as they could not do in any other way. And I believe this chart will not be complete unless there be in the column of things of rapid growth some such statement as "the runaway anger against corporate interests;" in the column of ills "the harming of labor through the frightening and the repression of capital," and in the column of correctives "an awakening to the fact that without capital labor is helpless."

I

wouldn't compel anyone to make such statements, but I would suggest them, because the foreign-born in our schools who are apparently bred to opposition to capital and employers at all events are uniformly against them-need such instruction.

Another set of matters which I think should be considered and taken as a unit are those which fall under what I would call the wider and keener democracy of to-day. The interests of more classes are considered to-day than ever before. If this be not so, what means the vast amount of thought put upon child welfare, old age pensions, the minimum wage, workmen's compensation, city play grounds, postal savings banks, and other similar matters?

Vast, too, is the amount of scientific advice and assistance now being given by State agricultural colleges, experiment stations and dairy schools, and by the experts of the federal Department of Agriculture, to our farmer folks and others; and more information than formerly is being sent back to our manufacturers and tradesmen by our consuls in foreign lands. And there is a strikingly greater diffusion of democracy now, in our educational institutions, than ever before. This is seen in the efforts made by the colleges to give education to the masses through summer schools, extension teaching and in other analogous ways. Columbia in particular is doing much in this line, "maintaining in eight different cities academic classes which are credited towards the university degree," and having had an enrollment in their summer session last year and their Extension Teaching Department this year of about 11,000 students. And President Butler stands ready, so we read, to establish a night college on the lower east side of New York City. The same demo

cratic tendency is seen in the act of the Connecticut College for women in placing among its requirements for admission preparation in domestic science. The same broadening educational democracy is seen in our trade, vocational and continuation schools. Yes, our democracy reaches bounds and depths never dreamed of only a few years ago.

And the direct election of United States senators and the bringing forward of such matters as the initiative, the referendum and the recall are chiefly significant, in the fact that the people are crowding up closer to their government and taking a keener interest in it. In matters of government, our range of thought was never so broad and our scrutiny never so keen as they are to-day.

Again, for the sake of the clearness of unity I would group all of the above and kindred subjects under evidences of a wider and keener democracy.

Now just as slavery overshadowed our national life from 1820 to 1860, and touched it closely in every part, so our great national growth and the broadening of our democracy have supremely affected our recent history and touched it vitally in every part. And just as when teaching the period of the forty years before the Civil War, we are dominated by the rumblings of the contending elements for and against slavery and the almost constant portents of an impending storm, so, in teaching the recent past, if our eyes are open, we are under the spell of our great and distracting growth and the wider diffusion of democracy.

And what must we consider to-day with special reference to the future? Our imperialism is moving on. The Philippines will not be given over next week or next year. The necessity of future consideration of our responsibilities and interests as a world power is inevitable. For its problems our future citizens should have a good geographical and political knowledge of the Philippines and of the islands between us and them.

Political principles used through long periods of time do not usually die without making numerous struggles, and the matter of a protective tariff will undoubtedly appear again. And, at any rate, our great political parties are very sure of places in at least the near future activities of our country, and their cardinal and contrasting principles should be studied.

Immigration, too, is a matter not only of yesterday and to-day, but of to-morrow as well. Within the lives of many living now, our population will most surely double, and possibly treble; and its increasing magnitude will not only call for as much consideration as to-day, but it will come to be a matter of more and more concern as the future lengthens. This subject should therefore receive the attention it merits.

As our population increases, the need of increasing proportionately our food products will be a vital one, and on this problem in the next and succeeding generations, will bear federal and State conservation, forest renewal, more scientific agriculture and every- thing which makes for greater productivity, cheaper transportation and a lower cost of living.

Something on the cost and ill effects of war, too, and our real desire for international peace will be appropriate for the future.

In regard to our territories and dependencies, I believe that the pupils should be taught to classify them in whatever way seems easiest for the fixing in mind of the desired facts. We group them under "Territories," Home Dependencies," "Outlying Dependencies." We wish to direct attention to the territories by themselves, so we put Alaska and Hawaii in a single group. One reason why we do this is that we wish to show that they have the same kind of government and that each has a delegate in Congress. This classification or grouping does not show that Hawaii is insular and that Alaska is on

- the American Continent, but we believe that the matter of geography is not so important as that of government and that it is not so hard to fix in mind.

The return of the Democratic party to power in 1912, with its subsequent passage of a tariff for revenue only which has or has not seriously interfered with our national well-being-creates in the minds of many pupils the desire to know when we have had a protective tariff and when we have had one chiefly or wholly for revenue. For this and other reasons we have found it profitable to have the pupils make a chronological list of the presidents and then block off the record into party periods. It is then seen at a glance when and how long each party has held sway, and the blocked-off list forms a fine basis for a consideration of the tariff.

And now as to immigration. We should certainly teach from what countries our immigrants have chiefly come, and in what parts, so far as it can be determined, they have chiefly located. We should show how some foreigners naturally seek the country and some the city.

We should show the proportion of the foreign born to the rest of our population, as to the cities and to the country. The foreign born of the pupils

- and the others as well take much interest in the fact that in accordance with our last census the foreign born and their children make up more than 50 per cent. of our urban population. The exclusion of the Chinese and the decrease in the number of that nationality in recent years and the immigration of the Japanese and their increase in recent years will of course be taken up. The conditions in foreign countries and here which affect temporarily the flow of immigration, the fact that our foreign born furnish more than their percentage of paupers, that illiteracy is more common among them, and that they show a greater tendency toward insanity can all be consid

-ered with much interest and profit so also can our national precautions against the coming in of the diseased and weak-minded.

Our plan for collateral reading for this recent period-the same as it is for the other periods-is as follows: We assign three pupils to each lesson and give them the three best references for the lesson that

we can find in outside reading. Exact pages for these references are given, and, in general, they are short enough to be read and mastered in a recitation period of say forty-five minutes. The greatest care is taken in the choosing of these outside readings that the pupils may get only what will throw real light on the subject in question, and what it is hoped will give them a love for history. These selections must be easily understood, readable, enjoyable. The pupil hands to the teacher for correction a written digest or outline of what he has read, and generally he is called upon to report orally to the class.

For reference books and collateral reading for this recent history may be mentioned: McLaughlin's History of the American Nation, Hart's Essentials in American History, Forman's Advanced American History, the World Almanac, the Statesman's Year Book, the Encyclopedia Americana-not only for its articles, but for its excellent pictures-the abstract of the last census, with the special State supplement, and McLaughlin's Readings in the History of the American Nation. This last book contains some excellent articles on this particular period, under such subjects as General Industrial Progress of the Country, Causes of Trusts, Immigration, The City, The Direct Primary, etc., selected from many books.

In briefly reviewing what I have so imperfectly sketched, let me say that for general guidance and final resumé in the teaching of our recent history, I would form a concept, and for its chief feature I would take the wonderful development of our country since about 1870, in (1) the rapid settlement of the West; (2) the quick growth of towns and cities; (3) the great increase in our manufacturing, from the small grist mill to the great flouring center, and from the small shop to the large, and to the still larger manufacturing establishments; (4) the rapid transformation of our railroads from a few lines to the great systems, each with its network of roads; (5) the change in the world of labor from the employed few in close personal touch with their employers to the great aggregations of laborers now pouring in and out of places of employment in such vast numbers that knowledge of them individually on the part of the employers is impossible.

This wonderful development, with all its manifold, enriching, permanent blessings, together with its transitional, temporary curses, I would place as conspicuous as possible in the center of the concept. To this chief part of the main idea I would add the very apparent change now in progress towards a wider and keener democracy. And I would join to these those things with which the future will be inevitably concerned our imperialistic position with its anomalies and its obligations; the urgent need of conserving our national resources; immigration; political parties; our desire for international peace, and last but not least, the heroic national personages of the period.1

Read at the meeting of the New England History Teachers' Association, May 1, 1915.

My reason for talking to you is to show that you can find in current journalism the method and material for training students in history. By training students in history is, of course, meant the training of students in the making of history out of its raw material, not the reading of history or the remembering of history. The first is so easy that there is no need of teaching it and the second is so difficult that there is no use trying it, for memory is an inborn trait, perhaps, incapable of much improvement.

If the student is to be really educated you must set him to making something as much as if he were in shop or laboratory. Ten years ago I might have been pardoned for devoting some time to urging the importance of the laboratory or source book method of teaching history, but, nowadays, all progressive teachers realize the advantages of it, though they often find it hard to use it. The question of how to use constructive methods must, however, be solved if history is to take the place in education that by rights belongs to it. In my opinion, the main work of most students should be history and sociology, using these words in their widest sense to include the study of man, his past, present and future. This is naturally the most interesting and important group of courses in the entire curriculum. But it is notto be frank about it the best from a pedagogical standpoint, not yet. You history teachers sometimes complain that you are getting too many good-fornothing students-no, say rather, matriculates that you don't want, those who come into your department on the mistaken assumption that it is easy, to escape the Scylla and Charybdis of the curriculum, the drudgery of the languages on one hand and the drudgery of the laboratory on the other. If you are not to be swamped by the leisure class you must, in self-defense, get something which corresponds to the study of a foreign language or of a natural science, corresponds not merely in time consumption or difficulty, but in giving the student some real work to do, something equivalent to the construction of a sentence or of a electric motor.

You have found this in the so-called laboratory method, or, as I prefer to say, the constructive method, of teaching history. The professor of chemistry is not content with turning out readers of chemistry. He turns out chemists. You are not content to turn out readers of history; you must turn out historians. High school historians, they may be, but true historians nevertheless, just as the high school student of chemistry, if he has been

1 Address delivered before the History Section of the New York State Teachers' Association, at Syracuse, on November 23, 1915.

1

taught right, is a real chemist, however limited his knowledge of the subject.

The only way a student can learn what history is, is to make some of it; just as the only way he can learn what H2S is, is to make some of it.

The question is, then, where is the best crude material? I say it is all around you in the newspapers and magazines which flood the land. It is certainly crude enough. But it is living stuff, the best possible for constructive work. I appreciate fully the value of the source books which are now being published for the study of ancient and medieval history. They are admirable, and it is hard to see how they could be bettered for their purpose under the circumstances. But they suffer from one incurable defect; they have all been worked up in advance, and, what's worse, the student knows it.

Why do many of our brightest boys and girls drop out of school all along the line to go to work? Largely, I think, because they realize that at school they are kept at play, at make-believe. There is an atmosphere of artificiality about it all that is most repellent to the spirit of earnest youth. The problems set before them are not real problems, they are pretended problems. In my school days they used to be called, more honestly it seems to me, examples." For in a real problem the answer is known to nobody. But all these things ending in question

answers

to

marks and marked problems "-the them are to be found in the teacher's head or in the key hidden in his desk. If the student buys a second hand arithmetic he may find the answers all neatly penciled in. At any rate, the ?" is a lie. Nobody really wants to know what is ostensibly asked for, least of all the teacher who asks for it.

Of course, the student can and does learn arithmetic from working over these old examples and, of course, the source book with its carefully selected documents and its skilfully contrived questions is useful. But the student using such methods feels their artificiality just as the student in masonry who builds a chimney in the middle of the shoproom floor, to be taken down by the janitor after he has gone. How much better to give the student in history a chance to grapple with real problems, snatched alive and kicking from the stream of time?

Modern

There are two ways of approaching a subject, the logical and the psychological. They are rarely the same and usually we have to choose between them. The older pedagogy chose the logical. pedagogy prefers the psychological. In teaching geography it used to be the custom to begin with "the earth is round like a ball" or even further back in the primal nebulae. Now, the child begins with his own school room and gradually widens his view to take in the country, the state and the nation. When biology first was introduced it was common to begin with bacteria and diatoms, which the boys could not usually find under the microscope and so drew nice pictures of airbubbles instead. Now, the teacher begins with an animal as near to man as the laws of the state allow. The psychological starting point is always the nearest, the here and the now.

If the history teacher is to be successful he must learn the same lesson as his colleague in geography and biology. The chronological method of teaching history must be discarded if it proves not to be the er psychological. The earliest historians were merely chroniclers and modern historians, sometimes show atavistic tendencies of return to the old type. But E: it may prove to be better to follow up a line of interest than to follow the calendar.

But to begin with modern history is not to end there. The first lesson the botanist gives to his specimen collectors is dig up your plant by the roots." The history teacher who uses a periodical as his text-book will give the same injunction. The classicist need have no fear of being neglected. We cannot read the daily paper intelligently without calling him in to help us. The morning paper when it tells of the fighting at the Dardanelles takes us straight back to the battle of Aegospotamos, to Xerxes whipping the waves, to the ringing plains of windy Troy. Why is Venizelos, the Cretan, master of Greece? To answer that we must learn what the sea power meant to the kings of Knossus, we shall hear of the Minotaur, the labyrinth and the doublebladed battle ax. Why did England offer Cyprus to Greece? That leads us to Disraeli, to Famagosta, to Richard Coeur de Lion, to Harun-el-Raschid, to Augustus, to Cambyses, to Aphrodite rising from the foam of the sea. Why was the King of Greece named Constantine and why did he refuse to join the Allies when he learned that Russia was to get Constantinople? What claim has Italy on Tripoli and why does she aspire to be Queen of the Adriatic? Is Riga a German or a Russian city and why? Why do the Chinese feel the loss of the Shantung province more than they would any other?

If history is studied from books, some historian is sure to be neglected, the classicist, the medievalist, the modernist, the economist or the orientalist. But if history is studied from the journal, every single one of them will have his innings. And it is the only way of ensuring that the students get a well -rounded education. You can't trust

a

teacher to

select the topics. He's too partial to what he happens to know and, therefore, is most interested in. Anybody can keep up a reputation for wisdom if he is allowed to choose his own ground. But the teacher who lets life dictate the lesson for the day has true courage and shows a confidence in himself which will inspire the confidence of his students. What respect "knew that he never tackled would a teacher of mathematics command if his pupils worked it out beforehand? It is when the teacher problem unless he had

a

of history dares apply his mind and his method to the solution of a problem of which the answer is still on the knees of the gods that he commands the respect which is given to the chemist who analyzes an unknown. And when the student finds out that he, too, in a humble way, can use this new tool of the historical method in analyzing the unknowns which the news of the day presents to him, then for the first time he gets confidence in the value of history and delight in its study. If you have ever seen the change that comes over the spirit of a class in chemistry when they shift from routine experiments to the analysis of unknown substances, you will understand what I mean. It is when they get to determining for themselves the composition of minerals which the professor himself does not know that they work till the janitor turns them out of the laboratory.

Every study has some popular prejudice to overcome. The prejudice that lies in your way is the common opinion that history is something cut and dried, that it deals with things all over and done with and, therefore, of no importance to anybody. For after all, learning is the servant of action; we want to learn in order to be able to do. And if it were true, as too many folks believe, that the history of the past concerns only the past, then it is not a study which could profitably occupy the time of the living, and all your salaries are unearned.

It is not necessary in talking with history teachers to waste any time refuting the fallacy that history deals only with dead men, that it is a post mortem performed on very ancient corpses. We have only now to consider how the common prejudice arising from this mistaken conception of the purpose of historical study may be overcome. It can be overcome, it seems to me, in only one way, that is, by showing that the study of the past does aid in the understanding of the present. Don't be content with telling your students that history is a valuable study and will be of great use to you in later life. Remember that every other teacher is saying the same about his subject. What's more, some of them are proving it, and you have got to prove it, too, if you want to attract and hold the bright students.

You know what the study of history has done for you to make life interesting. You know how it has broadened your mind and extended your vision. It has given you the power to penetrate the present; you can see what lies behind the superficial appearance of things. Man is born myopic and before he can see things properly his vision has to be corrected by that operation known as the study of history. When this natural myopic man looks at a newspaper he sees only the words printed on it and they are mostly meaningless to him. But to you the page is transparent, you look through it down into the depths of historical perspective. He reads that General Mackensen is fighting his way through Serbia along the Morava river. All he knows is what

he reads and that in itself is not worth knowing. For all he understands Mackensen might as well have gone