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general judgment he was entitled to anything in the gift of the administration. It was understood that he declined to go into the Cabinet. Yet there was a mutual desire that he should be near the President. To further this end, Mr. Sherman resigned from the Senate, and was appointed Secretary of State. Bushnell, the Governor of Ohio, belonged to what was known as the Foraker wing of the party.
Two years before, it was stated, and generally believed, a truce had been agreed upon between the factions which bound both wings to support Bushnell for governor, Foraker for United States Senator, and McKinley for President. All adhered to the compact, and all three purposes were accomplished. But it was feared by his opponents that Mr. Hanna's position in the Senate, coupled with his close and intimate relations with the President, would give him undue power in the State. After much hesitancy and negotiation, Mr. Hanna was appointed Senator. But his tenure of office was only until the meeting of the next legislature.
The State convention met, and another truce, or an extension of the old one, was arranged. Bushnell was again nominated for governor, and a resolution was passed declaring in favor of Hanna for senator. The passage of such a resolution was outside the functions of the convention; but the precedent had been set in favor of Foraker, and it was tacitly accepted as authoritative. But the distribution of Federal patronage embittered the disappointed, and gave them a pretext, whether with or without reason, to charge Mr. Hanna with bossism. Aspiring men in the opposing faction chafed, grumbled, and some plotted and others threatened. With one side the election of Bushnell was the object of supreme conWith the other the legislature was to be secured at all hazard. These elements of internal and perhaps secret strife, and the bold and aggressive contest made
by the Democrats, caused unusual animation, unusual effort, and unusual uncertainty. The result justified the apprehension, but scarcely satisfied the hopes of any.
Governor Bushnell's plurality was 28,165 against McKinley's plurality the year before of 48,497.
The returns from the various districts showed that the legislature stood, on joint ballot, Republicans 75, Democrats 65, Fusionists 5. This narrow margin of five votes encouraged the opponents of Mr. Hanna to hope and work for his defeat. It was thought that the Democrats, having no prospect of electing one of their number, could be induced to unite with the disaffected Republicans. Negotiations to that end resulted in a combination of all the Democrats with eight Republicans (anti-Hanna men) who had refused to enter the Republican caucus. And this combination elected the officers of both the Senate and House of Representatives, the Democrats having been conceded most of the positions. This formidable revolt caused consternation. Demonstrations were made all over the State. The bolters were unsparingly denounced. Protests, remonstrances, resolutions, letters, telegrams, were showered upon the recalcitrants. Delegations went to Columbus from many sections. The bitterest feeling and wildest excitement prevailed. Governor Bushnell had consented to be a candidate against Mr. Hanna. He was branded as a traitor to his party. Several of his appointees resigned in disgust. Organizations which had arranged to attend his inauguration withdrew their acceptance. A mass-meeting of Hanna Republicans was called to meet in Columbus on the day of the inauguration. The inaugural ceremonies were lacking in the ardor and enthusiasm usually incident to such occasions. The indignation meeting was immense, and bitterly earnest. Noted as Ohio has been for political excitement, all its past history was tame in comparison with the angry, turbulent, frenzied exhibition in January,
1898. Charges of bribery were boldly made by both factions. The struggle to secure the doubtful was persistent and ceaseless.
By law the two Houses balloted separately on the 11th of January. This was the culminating point of intense anxiety. The Democrats and the bolters held an allnight conference to effect united opposition to Hanna. A number of Democrats peremptorily refused to support Bushnell or Kurtz, who had been the organizer and fearless and untiring leader of the movement against Hanna. It was finally agreed that McKisson, Republican Mayor of Cleveland, should have the united support of the combination. Three Democrats refused to vote for any Republican. The situation was intensely critical; the strain was terrible. The result of ballot in the Senate was 19 for McKisson, 17 for Hanna. In the House McKisson received 49 votes, Hanna 56, and there were 3 scattered. This showed Hanna to have the slender margin of one vote over all opponents in joint ballot, provided all should then vote as they had done in the respective Houses.
To some extent this ballot relieved the tension. But the opponents of Mr. Hanna preserved an unbroken and defiant attitude, still boldly asserting that he would be defeated when the two Houses would meet in joint session. But there were no changes when the joint session was held. Each voted as he had done the day before, and Mr. Hanna was declared elected by a majority of one, amidst great jubilation.
The national character of this memorable contest was evidenced by the hundreds of congratulatory telegrams sent to Mr. Hanna from all sections of the Union.
In Maryland, also, the contest centred upon the legis lative tickets. Mr. Gorman had been the master spirit of Democracy for many years. He had come to be called "the Boss," as was customary under such circumstances,
and had to bear the odium attached to such a position. Being alert, aggressive, experienced, and sagacious, he had managed many a campaign successfully, and retained undisputed leadership. This naturally engendered discontent amongst his rivals. He was charged with all manner of arbitrary, unscrupulous acts to promote selfish ends. He had been a senator for eighteen years, and had achieved a conspicuous and commanding position. As before suggested, various elements, from various motives, can without much difficulty be rallied against a recognized leader. Gorman had lost some of his prestige by the Republican success in 1896. But those who had achieved that result scrambled for the spoils and quarrelled amongst themselves. It seemed as if Maryland must be ruled by a boss, and it became, in a measure, a choice of bosses. Wellington had been elected Senator, as the first-fruit of the first Republican victory in the State. There was a bitter strife between him and the bulk of his party in Baltimore. Under these conditions the issue appeared doubtful. But the Republicans won, electing their candidate for Mayor of Baltimore, and a majority on the legislative ticket, placing in their hands. the election of a United States Senator to succeed Mr. Gorman.
Here also there was an angry factional controversy. Governor Lowndes was announced as a candidate for the United States Senate. Several opposing candidates were spoken of, but there was no organized opposition. The governor apparently held the winning cards. But there was outspoken discontent. After numerous conferences, a few days before the meeting of the legislature, Governor Lowndes withdrew from the contest, and declared himself in favor of the election of Judge McComas. Postmaster General Gary supported McComas, and it was claimed that the President approved of his action. Senator Wellington had not been friendly to McComas, but
he was induced to support the judge. Judge McComas had served with marked ability for several terms in Congress, and had increased his reputation on the bench.
There had been an unwritten law in Maryland that both Senators should not be taken from the same section of the State. This law was violated in the election of Wellington; and a further violation was now contemplated. This was one of the grounds of opposition to Lowndes, and it was not allayed by substituting McComas, who, although a Federal Judge in Washington, D. C., retained a nominal residence in Hagerstown, in the county adjoining Senator Wellington's residence. The representatives from the Eastern Shore insisted on recognition; and those from Baltimore, claiming a predominance in population and interest for their constituents, demanded consideration.
A caucus held to nominate officers for the organization of the legislature ignored these claims, and eleven of the Baltimore representatives refused to be bound by the action of the caucus. The legislature on joint ballot stood: Republicans 67, Democrats 50. In the House of Representatives there were 49 Republicans; of these II from Baltimore refused to enter the party caucus. These II, aided by 41 Democrats, organized the House by electing a Baltimore Republican Speaker. After several days of balloting the Baltimore line was broken, and Mr. McComas was elected.
There were no specially important elections in any of the other States. Each party retained control of those States which it had carried in 1896, except Kentucky and New York. The Republican majority was greatly reduced in such Republican strongholds as Iowa and Pennsylvania. But this could be accounted for by the largely diminished vote. There is always a reaction after the great strain of a Presidential election. This, with disappointments and heart-burnings, causes indifference, if