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manifest the nation's humanity and honor. The subsequent events pertain rather to a history of the times than to a history of political parties, except in so far as the results of the war developed new issues, upon which parties must pronounce judgment. War was declared on April 20th. Commodore Dewey was at the time in command of the American fleet at Hong-Kong. Neutrality having been proclaimed by China, Dewey was obliged to weigh anchor. He stopped in Mirs Bay, then hastened. on to Manila, the capital city of the Philippine Islands. Early on the morning of May 1st he sailed into the harbor of that city, gallantly and furiously attacked the Spanish forts and war vessels, and in a few hours totally destroyed the Spanish fleet of ten war-ships, captured the naval stations and forts at Cavite, and this without losing a single man. A widespread and formidable insurrection. against Spanish rule was in full operation. The insurgents almost surrounded Manila on the land side, and Dewey's fleet beleaguered the city on the bay. The situation remained unchanged until a large land force, under General Merritt, had been assembled; which force, in connection with the men-of-war, attacked Manila and compelled its surrender on August 13, 1898. In the meantime, on August 12th, a protocol of peace was signed at Washington. This was brought about by the decisive victories of our army and navy at Santiago, in the south of Cuba, and on the island of Porto Rico.

The protocol provided that: (1) Spain should relinquish all sovereignty over Cuba; (2) Spain should cede to the United States the island of Porto Rico and other West Indian islands under Spanish sovereignty, and also an island in the Ladrones, to be selected by the United States; (3) the United States to "occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control,

disposition, and government of the Philippines." Commissioners were appointed by the two powers to conclude a formal treaty of peace. They met in Paris, and after several weeks of consultation and discussion, agreed to and signed a treaty which embodied all the points of the protocol. Several matters, immaterial to the present history, were vigorously insisted upon by the Spanish commissioners; but the chief contention was that Article 3 of the protocol did not justify the United States in demanding a cession of the Philippines, as had been insisted upon by the commissioners of our government. The pathetic spectacle of the once powerful kingdom of Spain pleading for a retention of her sovereignty over her Eastern islands was finally ended by yielding to the inevitable, and conceding what she had no longer power to prevent.

During the negotiations, the policy of remote foreign acquisitions by the United States was very generally discussed in the public press and by prominent statesmen. It was contended, on the one hand, that the addition of these islands, both in the Atlantic and Pacific, was unauthorized by the Constitution; and, even if authorized, was contrary to all of our history, tradition, and the spirit of our institutions; that it was a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and that it was a dangerous menace to our system of government to bring into our national family about 12,000,000 people, most of them of different races, uneducated, and utterly ignorant of free government; that for their control a large army and navy would have to be maintained at great expense; that these people were totally incapable of self-rule, and to hold them under military control was violative of our well-established national policy, and repugnant to our form of government. On the other hand, it was argued that our nation had outgrown the precedents, practices, and limitations of its early days; that the admonitions of the fathers, well enough in their day, should not affect the changed

conditions; that it was due to our standing amongst nations, to our own growth, wealth, and power that we should expand and take our place with the foremost of other nations; and that, having made war upon Spain because of her tyrannical, cruel, and oppressive rule in Cuba, we were bound by the highest principles of humanity to protect all whom the fortunes of war had placed in our power from ever again becoming subject to the odious government of Spain.

The opponents of expansion, in order to make it more distasteful to the American people, called it "imperialism." The issue thus formed presents many perplexing problems, which must inevitably affect the two great political parties, and present subjects of contention differing from those hitherto struggled over. Many Democrats-notably Senator Morgan-support expansion; and more Republicans-notably Senators Hoar and Hale and ex-Senator Edmunds - oppose it. An Anti-Expansion League was formed in Boston, and everywhere the discussion, pro and con., became quite animated. An incident growing out of the treaty caused further discussion amongst the Republicans. In the clause ceding the Philippines, it was provided that in those islands there should be an open door for the commerce of all nations. Whether or not that was the object, the effect was to conciliate Great Britain, Germany, and other European and Asiatic powers. But it looked so much like free trade and an abandonment of protection, that many Republicans were startled at this departure from their timehonored theory.

Opposition to the policy of expansion did not cease when the treaty of peace was signed by the commissioners in Paris. On the contrary, it increased in steadfastness and bitterness. When the treaty was submitted to the Senate a protracted debate ensued, when Senator Davis-chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations

-who had charge of the treaty, after consultation with the President and others, fearing that it would be rejected, temporarily withdrew it from consideration. Finally, after unwearied efforts at proselyting, the treaty was again brought before the Senate, and on February 6, 1899, it was ratified by a vote of 57 to 27, being barely two thirds. Eight Democrats voted for ratification; two Republicans, Hoar and Hale, voted against ratification. The ratification was, in part, secured by an agreement that Senator McEnery's resolution should be passed after the ratification of the treaty. This resolution declared that the Philippines should not become a part of the United States, and that American control should cease when the natives were able to form and maintain a government. This resolution was agreed to by the vote of 26 to 22. Sixteen Republicans, six Democrats, and four silver men voted in the affirmative; and eight Republicans and fourteen Democrats in the negative. This being a joint resolution, it went to the House for concurrence, but the session being near to its close no action was had.

The votes cited show that neither party was united in sentiment. But just before the closing of the session, at a caucus of the Democratic members of the House, a resolution was passed declaring that the United States. disclaim any disposition or intention to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the Philippine Islands; and assert their determination, when an independent government shall have been erected therein, to transfer to said government, upon reasonable terms, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and thereupon to leave the government and control of the islands to their people.

How far the Democratic National convention may be guided by the spirit indicated, and what position the Republican National convention may take upon the subject of territorial expansion and the form of government for

the Philippines, Porto Rico, and Hawaii, is yet to be ascertained. But there is little doubt that this will be one of the principal issues in the next Presidential campaign. The President vigorously urged the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, a second treaty to that effect having been negotiated. To this there was much and determined opposition. After three months of debate, in secret session of the Senate, it became apparent that the two-thirds vote necessary to ratify the treaty could not be secured, and a joint resolution, embodying the terms of the treaty, was introduced. This was following the precedent established in the annexation of Texas; and as a bare majority in each House was sufficient, the joint resolution was passed and approved by the President, July 7, 1898, and on August 12th, the flag of the United States was raised in Honolulu, and the islands became annexed. A joint commission, composed of Senators Cullom and Morgan, and Representative Hitt and Mr. Dole and Mr. Frear of Hawaii, was appointed to recommend to Congress such legislation as they might deem proper for the government of the newly acquired islands. The commissioners recommended the usual form of government for territories, with important restrictions as to citizenship, qualifications as to the right to vote and hold office.

The administration, in response to a general public demand, undertook to reform the financial policy of the government. Supplementing the President's message, the Secretary of the Treasury prepared a plan to retire the greenbacks and increase the volume of national bank Before the committee of Congress and in nymerous speeches before financial and commercial bodies Mr. Gage advocated his scheme. The trouble over Cuba drove this question to the background, and nothing was done.


For some years both parties in their platforms pledged themselves to civil service reform. There had been

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