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Constitution abated under the persuasive and convincing eloquence of Fisher Ames, Dana, Bowdoin, Sedgwick, and a number of Revolutionary officers and distinguished clergymen; and the ratification was carried by a small majority. There was friction elsewhere; but at last the Constitution was ratified.

But the contest for, and ultimate adoption of, the Federal theory developed marked differences of opinion. amongst its advocates; some of which were so fundamental as to cause the formation of another party, or rather a re-alignment of the existing parties. Many who had supported the Federal theory took alarm at the extreme views of some of their colleagues, and commenced to affiliate with the Anti-Federalists; which designation took on a new meaning, signifying opposition to the tendency to the centralization of power in the general government. Those retaining the name of " Federalist were extremists, and inclined to favor the establishment of a monarchy. John Adams declared that the British Constitution would be the most perfect if some of its defects and abuses were corrected. Hamilton went farther, and expressed his conviction that, as it stood, the British system was the most perfect ever devised, and that the correction of its vices would impair its power. He may not have wished a monarchy to be established here,— as many believed,— but he certainly advocated incorporating in the Constitution monarchic features.

The class of statesmen of which these two were, in a great measure, the representatives, wanted the new government to be modelled largely after that of the mother country. True, we had rebelled against her rule in this country; but, it was said, the revolt had not been against the form of government, but against the manner of its administration.

In after years Adams disclaimed having ever desired to have a monarchy established here. But it is quite certain


that his long residence at foreign courts had biased his mind in favor of pomp and ceremony, and high-sounding titles. He rejoiced in an escort of horsemen on his way to be inaugurated as Vice-President. He tried to impress Washington with his views of official etiquette. talked a great deal of dress and undress, of attendants, gentlemen in waiting, chamberlains, etc. In the chair as Vice-President he designated Washington's address as "most gracious," which words bluff, blunt William McClay insisted should be stricken from the minutes; and it was done.

There were many with Adams who, if not monarchists, were earnestly in favor of perpetuating an aristocracy, and their action in forming the Constitution was colored by those views. They wanted the President to be called "Excellency," or "His Highness, President of the United States and Protector of their liberties." Jefferson, Samuel Adams,-John's cousin,—and those of their school, were opposed to all titles-even that of Esquire. What might seem to be unimportant differences were magnified by the Constitution over weightier matters. Two theories of government were struggling for the mastery one in favor of the largest civil liberty and local self-government. On the other hand, Hamilton's plan was to give the general government power to make laws governing the States in all cases whatsoever; to have the President and Senators hold office during good behavior; and the governors of States should be appointed under authority of the United States. This desire to perpetuate an aristocracy, and to centralize power in the general government, was strenuously and successfully combated by those holding more democratic views; and by those who, while willing to surrender some of the prerogatives of independent States, were utterly unwilling to be denied the right of selecting their own rulers, and making laws for their local government.

They were also opposed to long terms of office-holding, insisting upon the President's being ineligible for re-election after eight years of service.

The differences were finally adjusted; but, in the creation of a representative republic, care was sought to be taken to limit its powers. These limitations became a fruitful source of discussion from that day to this, one side contending for a strict construction, and the other insisting that the Constitution should be liberally and loosely interpreted.

These differences of opinion did not immediately result in arraying the opposing forces against each other; for, by universal agreement, Washington was to be the first President; and all the people felt unbounded confidence. in his unselfish patriotism, his impregnable integrity, his unequalled sagacity; and they knew that under his administration the new government would be firmly established without either faction acquiring any great predominance.

The debate upon the manner in which the President should be chosen showed the same conflict of views as has already been referred to. On the one side it was urged that Congress should make the election. The other side opposed this concentration of power, and insisted that the choice should be as nearly a direct expression of the popular will as was consistent with the dignity, deliberation, and orderly proceeding which the importance of the issue demanded. It was determined that the people in each State should vote for a body of electors, and that the electors so chosen should elect the President and Vice-President; the person having the largest number, and a majority, of electoral votes should be the President, and the one having the next highest number of votes should be the Vice-President. Under this system, when parties became well defined, it was probable, and perhaps was so intended (and several times sc

resulted), that the President and Vice-President would be of opposing political parties.

There was no uniformity at first, in the method of choosing electors. In Massachusetts and Virginia they were chosen by districts. In Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, and Maryland the electors were chosen on a general ticket. In New Jersey, Delaware, Connecticut, Georgia, and South Carolina the selection was made by the legis latures. North Carolina and Rhode Island, not having ratified the Constitution, did not vote at the first election; and New York's vote was lost by a deadlock, the Senate being in control of the Federalists, and the Assembly dominated by the Anti-Federalists. The electoral votes were to be cast by the legislature; the Senate demanded a concurrent vote; the Assembly insisted upon a joint ballot. Neither would yield, and hence the vote of the State was lost.

Washington was elected President by a unanimous vote, and John Adams was associated with him as VicePresident.'

In the first Congress there were twenty-two in the

Electoral votes for George Washington were: New Hampshire, 5; Massachusetts, 10; Connecticut, 7; New Jersey, 6; Pennsylvania, 10; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 10; South Carolina, 7; Georgia, 5— total, 69.

For Adams: New Hampshire, 5; Massachusetts, 10; Connecticut, 5; Pennsylvania, 8; Virginia, 5; New Jersey, 1-total, 34.

For Huntington: Connecticut, 2-total, 2.

For Jay: New Jersey, 5; Delaware, 3; Virginia, 1-total, 9.

For Hancock: Pennsylvania, 2; Virginia, 1; South Carolina, I—total, 4.
For R. H. Harrison: Maryland, 6—total, 6.

For Geo. Clinton: Virginia, 3—total, 3.
For Rutledge: South Carolina, 6-total, 6.
For John Milton: Georgia, 2-total, 2.
For Jas. Armstrong: Georgia, 1—total, 1.
For Ed. Telfair: Georgia, 1-total, I.

For Benjamin Lincoln: Georgia, 1-total, 1.

New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island did not vote, as explained


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Senate, all Federalists; in the House were fifty-three Federalists, twelve Democrat-Republicans.

Vermont was admitted in 1791; Kentucky in 1792. During the second session of the first Congress, Hamilton proposed the establishment of a National Bank to act as the financial agent of the United States. The Anti-Federalists denied the power of Congress, under the Constitution, to create such a corporation. Besides the opposition upon constitutional grounds, it was strenuously urged that there was no necessity for the creation of such an institution; that it would subject the government to the money power. That there was a basis for this apprehension will appear when we consider the application for a new charter for the bank. In 1791 the bill was vigorously fought, but was finally carried.

Another of Hamilton's schemes was assumption by the general government of debts of the several States contracted during the Revolution. These and other matters roused the hostility of the strict constructionists. The contest over this proposition was so stubborn and animated that it was first adopted, then reconsidered, and then defeated. Its adoption was finally secured by one of those parliamentary bargains which condone inconsistency; and from which custom has removed the smirch of dishonesty. Hamilton secured enough votes to pass his scheme, by agreeing to support the proposition to locate the Federal capital on the bank of the Potomac.

As many of the Anti-Federalists had surrendered their views in order to secure the adoption of the Constitution, so now many of the leading Federalists joined with their former opponents to resist the aggrandizement of power in the general government. Under the leadership of Mr. Jefferson, they formed the new and distinctive organization called the Democratic-Republican party, which name has been retained through all the succeeding years, except that in 1825 the co-title, Republican, was dropped;

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