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Those opposed to the movement attended in such numbers that they were able to control the proceedings. A minority of the committee on resolutions reported against the right of Congress or the State governments to interfere with the institution of slavery; that the right to property in slaves was recognized by the Federal Constitution. This minority report was adopted. But the zealous Abolitionists were not to be suppressed. They met in a private and retired house, behind locked doors, and determined upon the formation of an anti-slavery party. To aid in propagating their views, a printing-press was purchased, and taken to the town. An angry and excited crowd attacked the warehouse where it was stored; one man was killed in the conflict with the defenders of the press; the warehouse was burned, and the printing press was destroyed. This was, perhaps, the first blood. shed in a contest upon a question which was destined to spread desolation and death throughout the land.

Whether the closing of the National Bank and the opening of numerous State banks, all issuing an enormous amount of paper money, stimulated speculation to the danger point, and beyond, or from whatever cause, there was a fearful collapse; loans were called; a wild and disastrous panic ensued, so that Mr. Van Buren, upon his entrance to office, had to face a most threatening and gloomy outlook. Everywhere there were dire depression and grim ruin.

Congress was called to meet in special session, September 4, 1837. Distribution of the surplus revenues amongst the States ceased; $10,000,000 of Treasury notes were authorized to be issued; merchants were not to be pressed upon their revenue bonds. The President recommended the establishment of an independent or Sub-Treasury. It passed the Senate, but was defeated It met the same fate at the regular session of December 4, 1837. It was finally passed in 1840, to

in the House.

be repealed by the Whigs in 1841. But a bill to incorporate the Fiscal Bank of the United States as a substitute for the independent Treasury was vetoed. It was re-enacted in 1846, and became a part of the established fiscal system of the government.

During the Van Buren administration there was some readjustment of party lines. The Calhoun faction returned to their old allegiance; but many, influenced by the panic and its effects, thought any change would be an improvement. In the twenty-fifth Congress, which came in with Van Buren, there were 31 Democrats, 18 Whigs, and 3 Independents in the Senate; and 117 Democrats, 115 Whigs, and 10 Independents in the House. This illustrates how the tide had turned, and how strongly it was setting.

When Congress met, December 2, 1839, the House was almost evenly divided, not counting the representatives from New Jersey, in which State there was a contest; and the control of the House depended upon which set should be seated. The Whigs had certificates from the State government, and a prima facie right to the seats. Gross irregularities were charged in one of the counties, which if established would affect the entire delegation; for at that time the representatives from New Jersey were all voted for on a general ticket. Confusion and disorder prevented the organization of the House.

John W. Jones of Virginia was the Democratic candidate for Speaker; John Bell of Tennessee was nominated by the Whigs; 118 would elect. Jones received 113 votes, Bell 102, and 20 were scattered, there being bolters in both parties. The votes of the New Jersey Democratic claimants would have elected Jones, which fact probably, as much as the merits of the case, prolonged the contest, which was not decided until March, 1840, when the Democrats were admitted to seats. In the meantime, R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia—a Sub-Treasury Whig, or a Whig

with some Democratic proclivities had been elected Speaker.

The establishment of the Sub-Treasury system, and the elimination of the government from all connection with banks, was perhaps the most notable event in the domestic policy of Van Buren's administration.

There was some trouble upon our northern frontier by reason of an attempt of some citizens of the United States to cross into Canada and aid in the rebellion then going on there. Van Buren prevented any breach of our neutrality, and England found no cause of complaint. The twin relics of barbarism-polygamy and slavery (so designated in the Republican platform) — did much to disturb the internal peace of the country. The Abolitionists were very busy preaching their crusade against slavery; and riots usually occurred wherever they held their meetings. Even those in the north who did not approve of slavery, felt that the compacts of the Constitution were sacred, and that agitation against the guaranteed rights of the South was culpable and tended to civil strife.

But petitions were sent to Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, over which Congress had exclusive and absolute jurisdiction. A very angry debate ensued, the abstract question of slavery being in a measure dwarfed by the question of the right of the people to petition. Both Houses recognized the right of petition; but both by overwhelming votes declared against any interference with slavery where it existed.

In 1839 the conflict in Congress became more bitter. It was carried to the extent that many of the Southern representatives left the chamber after making most inflammatory speeches, in which dissolution of the Union. was more than hinted at. But the time was not ripe, although these Southern hotheads found encouragement

in the words and votes of some of the Northern members. Amongst the most prominent anti-slavery agitators in Congress were John Quincy Adams, ex-President, and Caleb Cushing, who from being then ready to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia was in later years equally willing to have it extended in the Territories.

The Mormons, a religious sect collected and organized by one Joseph Smith, who claimed to be a prophet with a special revelation from on high, settled first at Kirtland, Ohio, in 1832, and built their first temple there in 1836. Afterwards they went to Missouri, and then removed to Illinois, where they were assaulted by a mob, and their prophet was shot. "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church," whether the faith be true or false. To escape persecution, and to have a free field to work out their destiny, the Mormons moved en masse to Utah; a place so remote and inaccessible that they neither disturbed nor were disturbed for many years.

Van Buren was a man of education and experience, having been Governor of New York, a Senator of the United States, Secretary of State under Jackson, and Vice-President. He was a shrewd and skilful politician. But the times and events were not propitious for engrafting himself in the affections of the American people, and he had but a single term as President.

Beginning with the year 1840, every Democratic convention made a formal declaration of the issues upon which they appealed to the people for support. And except in that year (1840) the Whig conventions did likewise. Reserving comments upon the salient features of these platforms, it may be well to give their general trend in historic order.

In 1840, the Democrats, following Jefferson's outline of principles, declared that the Federal Government was one of limited powers-limited by the terms expressed in the Constitution — and, hence, had no power to

incorporate a National Bank; and that the government's moneys should not be deposited in the banking institutions; that it had no power to carry on a general system of internal improvements; that it should not abridge the privilege of naturalization, nor the right of aliens to acquire land; that in levying duties, one interest should not be protected to the detriment of others.

Van Buren was nominated for re-election. But no one was named for Vice-President, because different States had put in nomination different individuals," and it was deemed expedient "to leave the decision to their Republican fellow-citizens in the several States, trusting that before the election shall take place their opinions shall become so concentrated as to secure the choice of a Vice-President by the electoral college." The result of the election showed that even if opinion had been concentrated the candidate would have failed to be elected.

The Whigs thought their candidate needed no platform. He was the hero of a victory over the Indians at Tippecanoe. William Henry Harrison was made their standard-bearer. He was an upright, plain old man; he lived in a log cabin decorated with coonskins, and drank hard cider. With these elements to appeal to the masses, a vigorous campaign was opened. Immense mass-meetings were held; monster processions, miles long, in which coonskins, log cabins, and hard cider figured conspicuously, roused the people to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. He had been badly beaten in 1836 by his present antagonist. But then there was no such organized effort -in fact, there was no organized action. "Old Tippecanoe" was now the slogan; and stage thunder was tame compared to the uproar produced by skilful theatrical effects in the conduct of the campaign.

The Democrats tried to arouse a counter-enthusiasm by a song, reciting the achievement of Johnson, then VicePresident, a candidate for re-election, without formal.

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