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tion of his official oath, whatever might be the result of his course.

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The struggles in the history of the world, to have in criminal trials an honest judiciary, a fearless jury, and a faithful advocate, disclose a great deal of wrong and suffering inflicted on advocates silenced by force, trembling at the bar where they ought to be immovable in the discharge of their duty on juries fined and imprisoned, and kept lying in dungeons for years, because they dared, in State prosecutions, to find verdicts against the direction of the court. The provisions of our own Constitution, which secure to men trial by jury and all the rights incident to that sacred and invaluable privilege, are the history of wrong against which those provisions are intended to guard in the future. This trial, gentlemen, furnishes a brilliant illustration of the beneficial results of all this care. Nothing could be fairer than the trial these prisoners have had; nothing more admirable than the attention which you have given to every proceeding in this case. I know all the gentlemen on that jury well enough to be perfectly certain that whatever verdict they render will be given without fear or favor, on the law of the land, as they shall be informed it does exist,

on a calm and patient review of the testimony, with a due sympathy for the accused, and yet with a proper respect for the government, so that the law shall be satisfied and individual rights protected.

But, gentlemen, I do believe most sincerely that, unless we have deceived ourselves in regard to the law of the land, I have a right to invoke your protection for these men. The bodily presence, if it could be secured, of those who have been here in spirit by their language, attending on this debate and hovering about these men to furnish them protection Lee and Hamilton and Adams and Washington and Jefferson, all whose spirits enter into the principles for which we contend-would plead in their behalf. I do wish that it was within the power of men, invoking the great Ruler of the Universe, to bid these doors open and to let the revolutionary sages to whom I have referred, and a Sumter, a Moultrie, a Marion, a Greene, a Putman, and the other distinguished men, who fought for our privileges and rights in the days of old, march in here and look at this trial. There is not a man of them who would not say to you that you should remember, in regard to each of these prisoners, as if you were his father, the history of Abraham when he went to sacrifice his son

Isaac on the mount the spirit of American liberty, the principles of American jurisprudence, and the dictates of humanity, constituting themselves another angel of the Lord, and saying to you, when the immolation was threatened, "Lay not your hand upon him."



James Gillespie Blaine was born in West Brownsville, Pa., January 31, 1830, and died in Washington, D. C., January 27, 1893. In 1854 he removed to Augusta, Maine, where he entered the field of journalism. Four years later he was elected to the State legislature where he remained until 1862, when he was elected a member of Congress, becoming speaker of the House of Representatives in 1869 and continuing as such until 1875. In this capacity he won distinction for his knowledge of parliamentary law, impartiality in administering the duties of his office, and skill in controlling the House. He was a member of the United States Senate from 1876 to 1881, resigning the office to become Secretary of State under President Garfield. In 1884 he was the Republican candidate for the Presidency, but was defeated. When Benjamin Harrison became President, in 1889, he appointed Mr. Blaine Secretary of State, which office he filled till June, 1892, when he resigned. He died a disappointed and broken-hearted man through his inability to reach the Presidency, which was the one great ambition of his life. In this respect he was like Clay and Webster, all able statesmen, but rejected either by their party or the people when they sought the great honor either of a nomination or election to this high office. As an orator, he was one of the best of the period following the Civil War, and achieved success as a statesman through being largely instrumental in negotiating the treaty with England, which adopted the American principle of equal rights and protection for

naturalized as well as native citizens, and also through negotiating reciprocity treaties for the extension of trade with several foreign governments. The following extract is from an oration delivered in the House of Representatives at Washington, D. C., February 27, 1882.

IS terrible fate was upon him in an instant.


One moment he stood erect, strong, confident in the years stretching peacefully out before him. The next he lay wounded, bleeding, helpless; doomed to weary weeks of torture, to silence, and the grave.

Great in life, Garfield was surpassing great in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy of wantonness, by the red hand of murder, he was thrust from the full tide of this world's interest, from its hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence of Death- and he did not quail. Not alone for the one short moment in which, stunned and dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, but through days of deadly languor, through weeks of agony, that was not less agony because silently borne, with clear sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his anguished eyes, whose lips may tell what brilliant broken plans, what baffled high ambitions, what sundering of warm, strong manhood's friendships, what bitter rendering of sweet house

hold ties! Behind him a proud, expectant nation, a great host of sustaining friends, a cherished and happy mother, wearing the full, rich honors of her early toil and tears; the wife of his youth, whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet emerged from childhood's days of frolic; the fair, young daughter; the sturdy sons just springing into closest companionship, claiming every day and every day rewarding a father's love and care, and in his heart the eager rejoicing power to meet all demands! Before him desolation and great darkness! And his soul was not shaken. His countrywere thrilled with instant, profound, and universal sympathy. Masterful in his mortal weakness, he became the centre of a nation's love, enshrined in the prayers of a world; but all the love and all the sympathy could not share with him his suffering. He trod the wine-press alone. With unfaltering front he faced death. With unfailing tenderness he took leave of life. Above the demoniac hiss of the assassin's bullet, he heard the voice of God. With simple resignation, he bowed to the Divine decree.


As the end drew near his early craving for the sea returned. The stately mansion of power had been to him the wearisome hospital of pain, and he begged to be taken from its prison walls, from

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