President Lincoln did not join in the congratulations. Mr. John T. Morse, Jr., in his "Life of Lincoln," says:

"He was scarcely even non-committal. On the contrary, he is said at once to have remarked that it did not look right to stop the vessel of a friendly power on the high seas and take passengers out of her; that he did not understand whence Captain Wilkes derived authority to turn his quarter-deck into a court of admiralty; that he was afraid the captives might prove to be white elephants on our hands; that we had fought Great Britain on the ground of like doings upon her part, and that now we must stick to American principles; that if England insisted upon our surrendering the prisoners, we must do so, and must apologize, and bind her over to keep the peace in relation to neutrals, and to admit that she had been wrong for sixty years.'

What pleased the Americans angered the Britons. Orders were at once issued to the English navyyards to make immediate preparations for war, and the English newspapers were filled with abuse of and threats against the United States. Lord Palmerston, in the heat of passion, hastily wrote a dispatch to Lord Lyons, directing him to demand immediate reparation. The missive was couched in such threatening and insolent language, that Mr. Lincoln must have refused to comply with its de

mand, and war would probably have been the result. Fortunately, Lord Palmerston, before sending the dispatch to Lord Lyons, submitted it to the Queen, who secured the elimination of the offensive language, though the tone remained peremptory.

Lord Lyons received the dispatch December 19th. Before delivering it officially he talked over its contents with Secretary of State Seward, informally. Mr. Lincoln suggested arbitration, which was refused, Lord Lyons having no authority for such action.

Having admitted that England was right, Mr. Lincoln felt that no other course could be pursued than to surrender the envoys. To those who protested and did not view the legal aspects of the case as himself, he said: "One war at a time." It would have been more agreeable to him to have protracted the diplomatic settlement'; but this, under the circumstances, was not possible.

In his official reply, Secretary of State Seward reminded the English Government that the United States, in 1812, had fought against England for exercising the right she claimed to stop their vessels on the high seas and search them for British subJects. He was glad to find her renouncing this oldtime error. Captain Wilkes had acted without instructions, and had made a mistake.

"No one," says Arnold, "can calculate the re

sults which would have followed upon a refusal to surrender these men." Morse expresses the opinion that "an almost certain result would have been a war with England; and a highly probable result would have been that erelong France also would find pretext for hostilities, since she was committed to friendship with England in this matter, and, moreover, the emperor seemed to have a restless desire to interfere against the North."

CONSIDERING THE EMANCIPATION

PROCLAMATION.

"IT

of the President" wrote Ex

T was the purpose Secretary Usher in the New York Tribune, "to issue a proclamation looking to the emancipation of slaves during the summer of 1862, but in consequence of the unexpected misadventure of General McClellan in the Peninsula before Richmond, it was considered prudent to delay the proclamation until some decisive advantage should be gained by the armies in the field. Accordingly, soon after the Battle of Antietam, the first Proclamation of Emancipation was made. By that, one hundred days were given the States in rebellion to resume their normal condition in the Government.

"In the preparation of the final Proclamation of Emancipation, of January 1, 1863, Mr. Lincoln manifested great solicitude. He had his original draft printed, and furnished each member of his Cabinet with a copy, with the request that each should examine, criticise, and suggest any amendments that occurred to them.

"At the next meeting of the Cabinet, Mr. Chase

said: "This paper is of the utmost importance, greater than any State paper ever made by this Government. A paper of so much importance, and involving the liberties of so many people, ought, I think, to make some reference to Deity. I do not observe anything of the kind in it.'

"Mr. Lincoln said: 'No, I overlooked it. Some reference to Deity must be inserted. Mr. Chase, won't you make a draft of what you think ought to be inserted?'

"Mr. Chase promised to do so, and at the next meeting presented the following: 'And upon this Act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.'

"When Mr. Lincoln read the paragraph, Mr. Chase said: 'You may not approve it, but I thought this, or something like it, would be appropriate.'

"Lincoln replied: 'I do approve it; it can not be bettered, and I will adopt it in the very words you have written.'

"When the parts of the Proclamation containing the exception from its operation of States and parts of States were considered, Mr. Montgomery Blair spoke of the importance of the Proclamation as a state paper, and said that persons in after times in seeking correct information of the occurrences of