was apparently checked during the sobering and oppressive [first Punic] war" seems a dangerously modern misreading of the true development. On the other hand, the treatment of Rome's reorganization of Italy (c. 270 В. С.) is admirable, as is also the discussion of the causes and results of the Hannibalic war. Prof. Frank, incorporating Rostowzew's conclusions, points out the great importance of the acquisition of Sicily, because it brought Rome face to face with the Hellenistic theory of ownership as a result of conquest (very different from the Italian theory of "public land"), as also with Hellenistic international institutions and forms of association.

The program of aggressive imperialism and annexation was definitely launched by Pompey whose policy was equivalent to the assertion of the principle that Roman conquest implied Roman ownership. Prof. Frank sees in Cæsar "the first candid imperialist of Rome... there can be little doubt that the Gallic war is the clearest instance of deliberate expansion in the history of the Roman Republic." As a preliminary to his planned reorganization of the state, "Cæsar had already invited divine honors at Rome in order to elevate himself above the need of observing constitutional requirements which obstructed his way toward needed reforms." "A new Alexander," Julius Cæsar was "the founder of a military absolutism of the oriental type which, by its very nature, had to live and justify itself by military success and world-wide imperialism." In a brief concluding chapter, the story of Roman imperialism is carried to the reign of Hadrian. With Hadrian, "the long history of Roman expansion which had, from the beginning, rested upon defensive rather than aggressive tactics, ended in a policy of seclusion and selfdefense."

After the Hannibalic war, the Roman senate assumed and maintained control of the foreign policy, except for the short and violent episode of the Gracchi, until it was finally overthrown by the aggressive imperialists of the first century B. C. (Chapters VIII-XV). Prof. Frank's contention that jealousy and hatred of Philip and the philhellenism of the senatorial leaders induced the Senate to override popular opposition and to listen to the appeal to join the concert of the civilized Mediterranean powers against the aggressions of the king of Macedon, is sound. But to insist on the illegality of this war is to over-emphasize the importance of the ius fetiale. The new sentimental diplomacy and anti-imperialistic foreign policy which had "liberated" Greece and thus recognized Greek particularism found little favor with the more practically-minded statesmen of Rome. With the fall of Scipio, the reaction set in, under the leadership of Cato, towards a more practical policy which, after a period of "watchful waiting and occasional intervention, ended finally in the reduction of Macedon to a province, in the dissolution of the Achaean League, in the destruction of Corinth and Carthage, and in Rome's assertion of suzerainty in Asia Minor. "Henceforth the possibility of real foedera aequa, of genuine amicitia, of arbitration, and of healthy emulation between states passed away from the ancient world." That motives of political expediency and not economic considerations were the driving forces behind Rome's foreign policy University of California.

until the close of the second century B. C. is Prof. Frank's thesis (elaborated in the special chapter, XIV). Strong arguments are presented against the current view that the desire for territorial aggrandizement, commercialism and mercantilism, and the desire for new fields of investment and exploitation on the part of the equites were responsible for the change of Roman policy which ended in the aggressions of 148-146 B. C. But, as in the case of the ius fetiale, Prof. Frank overdoes when he denies that these economic factors were not active influences affecting foreign policy until the close of the second century, B. C. His apologia for G. Gracchus is not convincing. His admission that Gracchus, contrary to the will of Attilus III, "made vital changes when he extended the tribute over the free Greek cities" (and with it the contract system of tax collecting by the equites), thus "carrying the theory of dominium in solo provinciali a step further than even the Seleucids and Attalids" hardly inspires confidence in the contention that "the accusation that Gracchus passed this [tax] law in order to catch the votes of the Roman corporation is a modern invention." More attention might also have been given to the constitutional question involved in aggressive imperialism and annexation, which were largely responsible for the senate's anti-imperialistic policy, and which explains the failure of Sulla and Lucullus to incorporate their eastern conquests as provinces within the empire. Prof. Frank's sane estimate of the policies of Lucullus is a welcome corrective to Ferrero's extravagant portrayal of "the creator of the new imperialism."

In his effort not to modernize, Prof. Frank is led into the opposite fault of underestimating the importance of the economic factor in the history of Roman expansion. And though the many solid contributions of his book sufficiently prove the inadequacy or fallacy of many of the current generalizations against which he protests, the author himself comes dangerously near a simple formula," by overemphasizing the defensive character of Roman imperialism because of his insistence on the continued operation and influence of the ius fetiale and its practices. The style, though straightforward and clear, suffers from the compression of an immense amount of material into less than three hundred pages of actual text, so that a second reading is often necessary to get the full bearing of the facts presented. Altogether this is a book which demands and deserves careful reading and the most serious consideration. ROBERT F. SCHOLZ.

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