September to the Spanish government concerning the war in Cuba, urging that the most strenuous efforts be made to bring it to an end, and offering mediation between the contending parties. Spain's reply, which was received in November, was considered satisfactory and not likely to lead to any rupture between the two countries.

In February, 1898, an incident occurred which created universal comment. A letter was written by the Spanish Minister at Washington, Senor De Lome, reflecting seriously upon President McKinley, in connection with the policy our administration was pursuing toward the government of Spain with regard to the insurrection in Cuba. This letter was written by De Lome to a friend, but failed in some way to reach its destination, and was made public. Public indignation was expressed at this perfidy of the Spanish Minister, and he was compelled to resign.

INSURRECTION IN CUBA.

The struggle in Cuba for independence continued to be the one absorbing topic that occupied the attention of Congress. General Weyler ordered all the inhabitants of Cuba who were suspected of sympathizing with the insurgents into the town, where they were left to obtain the necessaries of life as best they could. This act, which was pronounced inhuman by the American people, resulted in the death of tens of thousands of men, women and children by starvation. Meanwhile, accurate reports of the appalling situation in Cuba were brought by several members of Congress who visited the island with a view to ascertaining the exact facts.

These reports so inflamed the Senate and House of Representatives that a number of resolutions were introduced demand. ing that belligerent rights should be granted to the Cubans, and further that the United States should intervene with force of arms to end the war in Cuba, and secure the independence of the island. These resolutions, which were referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, were indicative of the temper of Congress.

A profound sensation was created by the destruction of the United States battleship "Maine" in the harbor of Havana. The "Maine" was lying in the harbor, having been sent to Cuba on a friendly visit. On the evening of February 15, a terrific explosion took place on board the ship, by which 266 sailors and officers lost their lives and the vessel was wrecked. The cause of the explosion was not apparent. The wounded sailors of the "Maine" were unable to explain it. The explosion shook the whole city of Havana, and the windows were broken in many of the houses. The wounded sailors stated that the explosion took place while they were asleep, so that they could give no particulars as to the

cause.

The Government at Washington and the whole country were horrified at the destruction of one of our largest cruisers and the loss of so many of our brave sailors. The excitement throughout the country was intense. The chief interest in the "Maine" disaster now centered upon the cause of the explosion that so quickly sent her to the bottom of Havana habor.

MESSAGE to congress.

A Naval Board of Inquiry went to Havana and proceeded promptly to investigate the causes of the explosion that destroyed the battleship.

Upon receiving the report of the Board of Inquiry, President McKinley transmitted it to Congress, and with it a message which he closed as follows:

"In view of these facts and of these considerations I ask the Congress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and final termination of the hostilities between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable government capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, ensuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for these purposes.

"And in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving

the lives of the starving people of that island, I recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be continued, and that an appropriation be made out of the public treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens.

"The issue is now with Congress. It is a solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors. Prepared to execute Constitution and the

every obligation imposed upon me by the law, I await your action."

Congress debated a week over the recommendations contained in the President's message, and on April 18, both Houses united in passing a series of resolutions calling for the intervention of the United States to compel Spain to withdraw her forces from Cuba, and thus permit the authorities at Washington to provide the island with a free and independent government. The demand contained in the resolution was sent to the Spanish Minister at Washington on April 20, who at once called for his passports and left for Canada.

AMERICAN MINISTER LEAVES MADRID.

On the same date the ultimatum of our Government was sent to United States Minister Woodford, at Madrid, who was curtly handed his passports before he had an opportunity of formally presenting the document. These transactions involved a virtual declaration of war, although Congress did not formally declare that war actually existed until April 25, dating the time: back to the 21st.

The North Atlantic Squadron was immediately ordered to blockade the Cuban ports, and on April 22 proceeded to carry out the order. On the same date the United States gunboat "Nashville" captured the Spanish merchantman "Buena Ventura" in the Gulf of Mexico. In this capture the first gun of the war was fired. The next day President McKinley promulgated a resolution calling for 125,000 volunteers. On the same day, Morro Castle, commanding the harbor of Havana, fired on the United States. flagship "New York" but without doing any damage. Subse

quent events comprised the capture of a number of Spanish vessels by Admiral Sampson's squadron.

Stirring news from our Asiatic fleet was soon received. On May 1, Admiral Dewey practically destroyed the Spanish squadron in the harbor of Manila, Philippine Islands, capturing nine vessels and inflicting a loss of 400 killed and 600 wounded. The capture of the Spanish fleet at Santiago, on July 3, and the victories of the American army in Cuba, resulting in the surrender of all the Spanish troops in the province of Santiago, prepared the way for Mr McKinley to sign a peace protocol in August and a treaty of peace with Spain in December.

With a firm hand he conducted the difficult and delicate diplomacy and pushed on the war that freed Cuba, brought the Philippine Islands under the authority and government of the United States, and restored peace to the combatants.

WAR COULD NOT BE AVERTED.

As to his policy in view of the necessary legislation for our new possessions, and his purpose to govern them in such a way as to advance their welfare and to secure for them the largest liberty, he declared in an eloquent speech before the Ohio Society in New York that every obligation of our Government would be fulfilled.

"After thirty-three years," he said, "of unbroken peace came an unavoidable war. Happily, the conclusion was quickly reached, without a suspicion of unworthy motive or practice or purpose on our part, and with fadeless honor to our arms. I cannot forget the quick response of the people to the country's need and the quarter of a million men who freely offered their lives to their country's service. It was an impressive spectacle of national strength. It demonstrated our mighty reserve power and taught us that large standing armies are unnecessary when every citizen is a 'miuute man' ready to join the ranks for national defence.

"Out of these recent events have come to the United States grave trials and responsibilities. As it was the nation's war, so are its results the nation's problems. Its solution rests upon us all. It is too serious to stifle. It is too earnest for

repose. No phrase or catchword can conceal the sacred obligation it involves. No use of epithets, no aspersion of motive by those who differ will contribute to that sober judgment so essential to right conclusions.

"No political outcry can abrogate our treaty of peace with Spain or absolve us from its solemn engagements. It is the people's question and its determination is written out in their enlightened verdict. We must choose between manly doing and base desertion. It will never be the latter. It must be soberly settled in justice and good conscience, and it will be. Righteousness which exalteth a nation must control in its solution.

DECLARATION AGAINST IMPERIALISM.

Those who fear it are

"There can be no imperialism. against it. Those who have faith in the Republic are against it. So that there is universal abhorrence for it and unanimous opposition to it. Our only difference is that those who do not agree with us have no confidence in the virtue or capacity or high purpose or good faith of this free people as a civilizing agency, while we believe that the century of free goverment which the American people have enjoyed has not rendered them irresolute and faithless, but has fitted them for the great task of lifting up and assisting to better condition and larger liberty those distant people who have, through the issue of battle, become our wards.

"Let us fear not. There is no occasion for faint hearts, no excuse for regrets. Nations do not grow in strength and the cause of liberty and law by the doing of easy things. The harder the task the greater will be the result, the benefit and the honor. To doubt our power to accomplish it is to lose faith in the soundness and strength of our popular institutions. The liberators will never become the oppressors. A self-governed people will never permit despotism in any government which they foster and defend.

"Gentlemen, we have the new care and cannot shift it. And, breaking up the camp of ease and isolation, let us bravely and hopefully and soberly continue the march of faithful service and