We favor home rule in the territories and the District of Columbia, and the early admission of the territories as states. We denounce the expensive red tape system, political favoritism, cruel and unnecessary delay and criminal evasion of the statutes in management of the pension office, and demand the simple and honest execution of the law, and the fulfillment by the nation of its pledges of service pension to all its honorably discharged veterans. Charles A. Towne Declines the Nomination for Vice-President on the Populist Ticket. DULUTH, Minn., Aug. 7.-Former Congressman Charles A. Towne, who was nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Populist national convention, held at Sioux Falls in May, has sent the following letter to the committee of notification: The Hon. P. M. Ringdal, Chairman, and the Members of the Committee on Notification of the Candidate for Vice-President of the People's Party National Convention, held at Sioux Falls, S. D., May 9 and 10, 1900: GENTLEMEN-When, on the 5th of July at Kansas City I had the the honor to receive from you the official notification of the action of your national convention in nominating me for the office of Vice-President of the United States, I requested, in view of anomalous and delicate circumstances in the Presidential situation, that you permit me to take the subject under careful advisement before announcing a decision either accepting or declining that nomination. This request you were pleased to grant, and now, after mature consideration of all the factors involved that concern the welfare of the cause of political reform in this country and my own duty thereto, I am constrained to inform you in all respect that I must decline the nomination tendered me by the Sioux Falls convention. FEELS HE WAS HONORED. "In announcing this conclusion, I cannot forbear to express to you, and through you, to the great convention whose commission you hold, as well as to that patriotic body of advanced political thought that your convention represented, my deep sense of the honor conferred upon me. To be the unanimous choice of such a convention for the second highest office in the service of the republic would be a distinction to any citizen. Two circumstances, however, add emphasis to this consideration in the present instance: First, that the nomination was unsolicited by me, and, secondly, that the convention. as in the case also of its nominee for President, went out of its own political organization to select a candidate. To my mind this action of the Sioux Falls convention in nominating for President a repre sentative of the Democratic party, and for Vice-President a representative of the Silver Republican party, is one of the most encouraging and inspiring spectacles in recent politics. Its unselfishness and magnanimity, its testimony to the precedence of the cause of the people over any merely partisan advantage, raised the procedure of that convention into the serene upper air of true civic heroism. From such a spirit as this, what service, what sacrifice can be asked in the name of the republic? FAILURE AT KANSAS CITY. "It was, of course, the expectation of your convention that its nomination for the Vice-Presidency would prove acceptable to the conventions of the Democratic and Silver Republican parties called to meet in Kansas City on the Fourth of July. The Silver Republicans, 1,330 delegates, representing twenty-eight states and territories, were indeed eager to name the ticket chosen at Sioux Falls; but to the great Democratic convention another course commended itself. The name of your nominee was presented to that convention and was received with remarkable demonstrations of approval by the enormous number of citizen spectators, and with the utmost respect by the delegates. But geographical considerations, and the fact that in certain parts of the country it was deemed wise to defer to a sentiment demanding that the candidate should be a man already identified with the Democratic organization, not only by holding its principles and advocating its cause, but also by name and profession, determined the selection of Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, a man of unimpeachable character and of ripe political experience, who, as a member of Congress more than twenty years ago, was a close associate and co-laborer of General J. B. Weaver, and other great leaders in the reform political movements of that day, and who, as Vice-President from 1893 to 1897, distinguished himself by rebelling against the betrayal of Democratic principles by President Cleveland. NO OTHER COURSE OPEN. "When Mr. Stevenson had been nominated what was it my duty to do? My name had gone before the convention along with his and I had been beaten. The nomination had been made decisively and with absolute fairness. The candidate chosen was personally unexceptionable; his loyalty to our principles was beyond question, and his career had been a long exemplification of them. Manifestly it was my duty to support that nomination. Acting upon this conviction, I went before the Silver Republican convention and succeeded in persuading it not to nominate me, and the Vice-Presidential matter was finally referred to the Silver Republican national committee with full powers. Later in the night this committee placed the name of Mr. Stevenson on its ticket as candidate for Vice-President. "This recital clearly develops the situation as it now is. Everybody knows that either Stevenson or Roosevelt is to be the next VicePresident of the United States. I am expected to take a laborious part in the campaign. I shall, of course, advocate the election of Bryan and Stevenson. The Democratic convention, before which I was a candidate, nominated Bryan and Stevenson. In what light should I appear before the American people if, while advocating the election of one ticket, I should be going through the form of running on another? Nobody in the United States would think I had the slightest chance of being elected, and nobody would believe that I considered myself seriously as a candidate unless at the same time he believed me to be absolutely lacking in common sense. Whom could such a phantom candidacy deceive? What respect should I deserve indeed if in such a matter I should attempt to deceive anybody whatsoever? I know the People's party to be composed of men most exceptionally keen and expert in political judgment. So obvious a sham could not elude their vision. Either they would resent my implied uncomplimentary estimate of them or they would be justified in forming one of me which could result only in injuring the cause which it had been the professed object of my mistaken folly to advance. Consistency and candor in politics, therefore, my own selfrespect, a proper deference to the People's party, and a sincere regard for the welfare of the cause of political reform in the United Statesall counsel that I now respectfully replace in your hands the honorable trust which your great party committed to me in contemplation of a different complexion of affairs than that which has resulted. GOOD WORDS FOR DEMOCRATS. "In conclusion, I may be permitted to express the profound satisfaction which I feel in contemplating the present attitude of the Democratic party. In 1896 I was one of those who, keenly feeling the recreancy of the Republican party, were much in doubt whether the memorable Democratic convention at Chicago, in adopting its splendid platform and nominating William J. Bryan for the Presidency, was actuated by an impulse or by a purpose. The magnificent achievements at Kansas City have settled all possible doubt on that subject. The platform adopted not only re-enacts the principles of 1896, but, in language whose force, dignity and beauty have never been equaled in a similar document, responds to the new issues presented in the growth of the trust monopoly and the imperialistic policy of the administration by an appropriate enunciation of those sublime doctrines of human rights and liberties whose profession and observance have been the peculiar glory of our country, and are the sure basis of the ultimate happiness of mankind. And again the duty of carrying the banner of the cause has been committed to that tried and trusted hand whose grasp has never weakened, which no fear can make to falter and no burden can dismay. The leadership of Bryan, which could have redeemed a bad platform, sanctifies a good one. It made memorable an unsuccessful contest. It will crown a victory with imperishable splendor. With every sentiment of respect and gratitude, I remain, most sincerely yours, "CHARLES A. TOWNE." WHARTON BARKER Mid-Road Populist Candidate for President IGNATIUS DONNELLY MID-ROAD POPULIST OR PEOPLES PARTY PLATFORM ADOPTED IN CONVENTION AT CINCINNATI, OHIO, MAY 10, 1900. The People's Party of the United States, assembled in national convention this 10th of May, 1900, affirming our unshaken belief in the cardinal tenets of the Peoples Party as set forth in the Omaha platform, and pledging ourselves anew to continued advocacy of those grand principles of human liberty until right shall triumph over might and love over greed, do adopt and proclaim this declaration of faith: 1. We demand the initiative and referendum and the imperative mandate for such changes of existing fundamental and statute law as will enable the people in their sovereign capacity to propose and compel the enactment of such laws as they desire, to reject such as they deem injurious to their interests and to recall unfaithful public servants. 2. We demand the public ownership and operation of those means of communication, transportation and production which the people may elect, such as railroads, telegraph and telephone lines, coal mines, etc. 3. The land, including all natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of the people, and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes, and alien ownership of land should be prohibited. All land now held by railroads and other corporations in excess of their actual needs and all lands now owned by aliens should be reclaimed by the government and held for actual settlers only. 4. A scientific and absolute paper money, based upon the entire wealth and population of the nation, not redeemable in any specific commodity, but made a full legal tender for all debts and receivable for all taxes and public dues, and issued by the government only without the intervention of banks and in sufficient quantity to meet the demands of commerce, is the best currency that can be devised, but until such a financial system is secured, which we shall press for adoption, we favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the legal ratio of 16 to 1. 5. We demand the levy and collection of a graduated tax on incomes and inheritances and a constitutional amendment to secure the same if necessary. 6. We demand the election of President, Vice-President, federal judges and United States senators by direct vote of the people. 7. We are opposed to trusts, and declare the contention between the old parties on the monopoly question is a sham battle, and that no solution of this mighty problem is possible without the adoption of the principles of public ownership of public utilities. |