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the proposed route had been conveyed to the Commander-inChief from the Residency, by one of its civilian defenders, Mr. Kavanagh, who gallantly volunteered for the service. Leaving the entrenchments disguised as a native, he joined the camp at the Alumbagh, and not only delivered the letters he had charge of safely, but was afterwards able, from his local knowledge of Lucknow, to act as a guide, and to be of much use in various ways to the advancing army.

Almost simultaneously with Sir Colin Campbell's arrival, it became known that it was his intention that Lucknow should be evacuated at once. The astonishment of the garrison was great, for none of them had ever dreamt of such a thing as that their relief should be merely the signal for their withdrawal from the place, and for their giving up to the enemy the post which had been so long and gallantly defended. The feeling of disappointment and regret was very strong, and, we confess, we think there were good gounds for it. It was an impolitic step when viewed with reference to the effect it would have on the native mind, to withdraw the whole force, and to abandon to the enemy a position they had for months striven in vain to possess themselves of, just at a time when it became possible to continue to hold it with little difficulty. The same ground which was occupied by Outram might have been easily held by a small portion of the army, which was eventually left at the Alumbagh, and which would still have been strong enough for all that was required of it. If it had not been abandoned, the return to Lucknow of Sir Colin Campbell, in March last, would have been a very different operation from what it actually was, both in its details and in its results. As it is, the rebels considered that they had gained a victory; they had the satisfaction of getting into the entrenchments which we had deserted, of possessing themselves of all the property which our people were compelled to leave behind them there, and of destroying and levelling with the ground every thing which remained to remind them of their own defeat, and of the noble defence made by us. The abandoning Lucknow at this time, however in accordance with the strict rules of European warfare, was in truth a measure for which there was no necessity, and it has done much injury to the British name in India, as indeed also the exceeding caution, and want of energy and enterprize, which have characterised so many of our military operations during the past twelve months, have done.

The orders issued for the abandonment of the Residency were carried out in the most soldierly and excellent manner. A double line of pickets was kept up all the way to the Dilkusha; and through these lines the garrison with the

SIEGE OF LUCKNOW.

sick and wounded, and women and children, were withdrawn, the attention of the enemy being diverted by attacks made on them in other quarters.

The sick and wounded were sent first on the 18th, and the women and children on the next day. How the latter got out, the following extract from "A Lady's Diary" will shew:

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"Yesterday the sick and wounded were all moved out to Dilkusha, and to-day the women and children departed from the scene of our long imprisonment, and I started in a carriage of Dr. Fayrer's in company with Mrs. Anderson and Miss Schilling. We had a pair of starved horses of Mr. Gubbins' to drag us, but the wretched animals had been on siege fare so long that they had forgotten the use of their five minutes, legs, and had no strength, so came to a stand-still invariably choosing the most dangerous parts of the road for their halt. At one place we were under so hot a fire that we got out and ran for our lives, leaving the vehicle to its fate, and two poor natives, At the Furreed who were helping to shove it on behind, were shot. Bux we had to wait a long time, as the carriage could not be got Some of the through a gateway, till some stores were cleared away. officers of the 90th invited us inside, and gave us wine and water, which was very refreshing. We walked after that every step of the way to Secunderabagh, where we all had to wait several hours, till doolies arrived to take on all the women, and we proceeded under a strong escort to Dilkusha. The road to Secunderabagh was frightfully dangerous in places. In one place we were passing a twenty-fourpounder manned by some sailors of the naval brigade; they all called out to us to bend low and run as fast as we could; we had hardly done so when a volley of grape whizzed over our heads and struck a wall beyond. At Secunderabagh we found the place overflowing with women and children of the Lucknow garrison. We met several gentlemen, friends, belonging to Sir Colin's force-Captain Norman, Assistant AdjutantGeneral, and Mr. Roberts (two Peshawur friends), and Mr. Ryves. kind to us. Captain Norman gave me gingerbread They were all very nuts, Captain Ryves, biscuits, and Mr. Roberts, a delicious cup of tea, with milk and sugar, bread and butter, and beef, all such long untasted luxuries. We made a regular feast, especially as we had not tasted anything since a scanty very early breakfast, and were nearly The exhausted. About nine o'clock P. M. we started again in doolies. Mr. Roberts lent me one, and J. walked by my side the whole way. crowd and confusion were excessive, the enemy hovering round and firing occasional shots, and we were borne along in the most solemn silence; the only sounds were the tramp, tramp, tramp, of the dooly-bearers and the screaming of the jackals. It was an awful time; one felt as if one's life hung in a balance with the fate we had so long dreaded; but our merciful Father, who has protected us through so many and great dangers, brought us in safety to Dilkusha, where we arrived about two o'clock in the morning.

"There were tents pitched into which we all crowded, and found quilts spread on the ground, into which we rolled ourselves for the remainder of the night. The officers of the 9th Lancers very hospitably had a supper prepared for our refreshment, and we very much enjoyed some tea and bread and butter, before going to sleep. We had none of us tasted bread and butter since the 30th of June, till to-day, so it was indeed a treat."

The state prisoners and treasure were safely brought away, as also were most of the guns and ordnance stores; such of the latter as were left behind being destroyed or made useless. On the night of the 22nd the troops marched out, and the final evacuation of the entrenchments took place. The lights were left burning everywhere as usual, and there was nothing to give the enemy a hint of what was going forward. When the appointed hour came, the force marched out silently, passing between the double row of pickets, each of which fell in at the rear of the retiring body as it moved on. The enemy offered no opposition whatever, for they were ignorant of what was happening. They were completely deceived, and continued firing into the old positions long after they were abandoned. On the 23rd, all remained at the Dilkusha to rest, and on the 24th, the march to Cawnpore was commenced.

On the 25th Sir Henry Havelock died at the Dilkusha. He had long been ill of dysentery, which had been getting daily worse during his confinement in Lucknow, and he now sunk under the over-exertion and fatigue he had gone through. As Mr. Rees says, it appeared as if he had strained every nerve to accomplish one object, and having seen its accomplishment, succumbed to the prostration which the exertion had entailed. He did not live to know the full extent of the many honors and rewards conferred upon him by a grateful country, but he did live long enough to learn that his merits were known and appreciated at home. He has left a son well worthy to bear his name, and to inherit the Baronetcy, which was granted at a time when his father was no more.

The journey to Cawnpore was completed in forced marches, for Sir Colin Campbell had to hurry on to the assistance of General Windham, who was sorely pressed by the Gwalior rebels. It seemed as if the unfortunate Lucknow garrison were never to be in peace again, for on their arrival at Cawnpore, they found a heavier cannonade and more fighting going on, than they had almost ever known during the siege. However all ended well; and in the course of a few days the whole party, except such of the officers and men as were to remain in the field, were despatched under escort to Allahabad,

which they reached about the 7th or 8th of December. How natural is the feeling which makes our "Lady" authoress write in her diary on her arrival there :

"The luxurious feelings of rest and peace and safety here are perfectly indescribable; one can scarcely realise it or know what to make of it, after the excitement, anxiety, and turmoil of the last six months.'

On reaching Allahabad, the women and children and sick and wounded were in a place of perfect safety and comparative comfort, and their relief may be considered as complete from that time. Lucknow itself was, as we have seen, left for a while to the mercy of the rebels. But General Outram remained at the Alumbagh, with an army of about 5,000 men, to watch and to check them. They did what they could to annoy him, and made frequent attacks on his position, but they were always repulsed, with great loss on their side and little or none on ours. We were, at last, restored to the possession of Lucknow, in the month of March last, by one of the largest armies of Europeans that has ever taken the field in India, and after a series of most elaborate operations directed by Sir Colin Campbell in person, and in which a most important and prominent part was taken by General Outram, who was in command of a division. But our business is with the actual siege and the relief of the besieged, and we must not, for the present, enter upon the subsequent campaign.

Much as has been written and said on the subject, we question whether the siege of Lucknow has yet met with that attention and appreciation which it deserves; and we believe that in after years it will stand out, much more distinctly than it now does, from the general mass of events which have occurred since the outbreak of the mutinies. At present, so many great and noble actions are fresh on our minds, that we cannot duly distinguish the one from the other; but we feel convinced, that when much that now seems brightest to us has been blotted by time out of the book of history, the page which contains the defence of Lucknow will remain as clear as ever.

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ART. V.-1. Original Sanskrit texts on the origin and progress of the Religion and Institutions of India, collected, translated into English, and illustrated by notes. By

J. MUIR, ESQ., D. C. L. Part 1. The Mythical and Legendary accounts of Caste. London, 1858.

2. A History of Greece. By GEORGE GROTE, ESQ., Vols. I., II. Legendary Greece. London, 1846.

HERE is something more than wit, there is a real and living analogy, in the illustration, with which Plutarch opens his life of Theseus; and as it bears intimately upon the subject of the present paper, we shall venture to transcribe it. "As in geographies, Oh Sossius Senecio, historians are wont to crowd into a corner of their maps all those parts which elude their knowledge, appending some such descriptions as these, "all beyond are steppes without water, and filled with wild beasts," or "fathomless mud," or " Scythian cold," or "a frozen sea," so too, I, now that I have passed through those periods ' of time, which were accessible to probability, and afforded a resting place for an investigation which dealt with actual fact, may well adopt a similar style,- all beyond is the land of marvel and romance, where the poets and mythologists hold sway, and there is no such thing as evidence or definite truth." In the endless disputes respecting the credibility of early history, this illustration has always seemed to us to come home with all the force of an argument,-it at once goes to the root of the matter, the presence or absence of evidence.

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Unless this primary principle be borne in mind, the most learned researches only mislead us more hopelessly. Long lists of authorities may be a mere illusion, which imposes on author as well as reader, unless we constantly weigh the relative antiquity and value of each witness, as he is brought into court. A crowd of late and inferior writers is often valueless, because they must have known as little of the matter in question as ourselves; while one testimony, on which we can rely, at once settles a dispute. Bishop Thirlwall, in the first volume of his history, has laboriously collected together the conflicting legends of the Greek heroic times, but his own confession (vol. i. p. 71.) sufficiently reveals how little he himself was satisfied with the result. "There can scarcely," he says, " be a more irksome or unprofitable task than that of balancing 'arguments of this nature, and watching the fluctuation of the scales, as a new conjecture is thrown in on either side."

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The human mind is naturally unwilling to have the bounds of its knowledge circumscribed. As it turns to the past,-the

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