untold woes, that half a dozen bankrupt politicians might strut as heroes and call themselves officers of the Confederate States of America. The spectacle is one of the most lamentable in the history of mankind. And unless the rebellion shall terminate in time, by submission, what is to save the whole seceding sisterhood from the same sad fate? South Carolina, that was so eager for the fray, will, if the war goes on, soon feel the consequences upon her own devoted head. She has been the stormy petrel of the nation for thirty years; wherever she hovered, foul weather was betokened. She had probably read in mythology that when Minerva was born it rained gold in Rhodes, and they thought that when secession should be inaugurated it would rain guineas in Charleston; not guineas of the golden type, indeed, but Guineas suited to her elevated purposes; that would increase without investment and grow yellower by recoining.

Where are the heroes of rebellion? Where are Mason and Slidell, the great objects of British reclamation? The last heard of them, one was sitting by the side of a free negro in the lobby of Parliament, and the other striving to attract notice by giving entertainments in Paris. Where are Pillow and Floyd, the men who beat us in the long run, and were dismissed because they had more speed than bottom? Where is Zollicoffer, who ought to have been a Union man, and where young Wise? Buried in their bloody graves. There will soon be call for a new crop of rebel leaders. They begin already to need reinforcements-those who can run like Price, or brag like Beauregard, or lie like Hollins, or steal like Floyd. The decree of the loyal people that the rebellion should be put down, is receiving fulfilment. It is but a year since the President said the sword should not be sheathed until the American standard waved over every fort and public place throughout our whole territory; and there is now but a single State where the old flag does not float. The march of the loyal hosts is onward. They will make good President Lincoln's declaration. The Union will be saved; the government will be vindicated; the deluded, cheated masses at the South will return to their allegiance and be forgiven. The leaders, those who may be caught, ought to be hanged as high as Haman; but they will generally escape and save their ignominious carcasses from the

executioner. Some will have important missions abroad, and get away while keeping up the cheat; some will take refuge on the foreign vessels-of-war hovering around our coasts; some will flee to Cuba; some to Mexico; some will escape in the disguise of honest men, and some will be carried away as old Weller recommended that Pickwick should be smuggled out of the debtors' prison, “in a pianner forty, without any vurks in it." The rebellion once crushed, the country will stand stronger in all its great elements than ever before.

as far as they dare to They would rejoice to and their design was, They recognized as a

The attitude of the British government, its menacing tone and position towards us, has made a deep impression upon the minds of the American people--one that will not be lightly held or easily forgotten. While we pay a tribute of gratitude to the memory of the Prince Consort, by whose wise and considerate intervention the insulting demand of Earl Russell in the Mason and Slidell affair was modified, and honor the wearer of the British crown as a most worthy Christian lady and sincere friend, we understand full well the bent and purpose of the "ruling classes," and are ready to meet them on whatever ground they may choose. A corrupt aristocracy and a menial press have gone traduce our government and people. see the Union broken in o fragments, from the beginning, to embarrass us. belligerent power the secesh whelp when it was but nine days old-before it had got its eyes open-and placed it on a par with the United States, with which they had solemn treaties of amity, alliance, and intercourse. For that act and others that have followed as a consequence, John Bull will some day have to make a full account and settlement. Their attitude has been full of menace from the commencement of our troubles, and it is characteristic. When Great Britain has or intends to make any cause of difference with a nation at war, or involved in difficulty, she is full of bravado and rapacity; but if the nation is strong and well prepared, she falls back upon her Christianity. But a little while ago she could not sleep o' nights because of slavery in the United States; but the moment that rebellion, as the child of slavery, attempts to destroy the Union, Great Britain advertises herself as its wet-nurse. The people of the North differed in their

estimate of slavery, but a vast majority, I believe, had looked forward to its gradual, final, peaceful, and constitutional extinction. We have resources of our own and ways of our own, and are not to be menaced when in trouble. Let Great Britain send her fleet here; she sent more than she took away in 1812. We want no war with her, but she must not make war upon us, and must let us alone when we are engaged with a domestic rebellion. She professes to love liberty. She has seen the tree of liberty planted here. Sustained by the blood of men and watered by women's tears, its roots have penetrated the earth, it has lifted itself to heaven, its branches invite the nations, and all are alike free to partake of its shelter. The nation that shall attempt its destruction will be arraigned at the bar of the public opinion of the world not only, but before the bar of heaven as well. We did not interfere in the Irish rebellion. Although once a proud and powerful nation, and seeking to reassert and regain its nationality and independence, we did not recognize it as a belligerent. But the moment we have a rebellion on our hands, though in the interest of slavery, nurtured in conspiracy and red with crime, Great Britain recognizes it as a belligerent, because she wished to see the foundation of our government undermined. She boasts that her drum-beat encircles the world. We need not boast of our resources. We have an army to-day that can defy the world; but it is an army of peace, not for aggression; an army for defence, but a defence that would be terrible, and not confined to our own borders, as any nation will find that shall attempt to push us to the wall. Our navy, existing and in prospect, will be able to keep up the sensation it has created among foreign nations, whose agents have been sent to take pattern of it, and learn what to do with their own. But, above all, we have a heart-beat that surrounds this indivisible Union, and locks it in perpetuity in the united resolve of millions of freemen. We seek no war with England, but we seek justice, and in the end shall have it. It remains for England to say in what fashion it shall be measured.

The recent Union successes have been cheering, and foreshadow the coming of the end. The capture of New Orleans is a telling blow to the bastard confederacy, and attests the strength and effectiveness of the naval service. We success

fully defended that city against Great Britian in 1814, but it could not withstand the attack of our forces, although the defence was vastly stronger now than then. Wherever we have attacked forts, our forces have proved that they belonged to the party indicated by the lady who, at a certain time in our State politics, being asked if she belonged to the Hard Shells or Soft Shells replied, that she belonged to the party that "shelled out." But the resources of this nation have hardly yet been tested. The young lion of the West has scarcely shaken the dew from his mane. In the event of a war with Great Britain, that power would barely be able to send against us fifty thousand men-an army which any loyal State in the Union, with the exception, perhaps, of Rhode Island and Delaware, could successfully grapple, overthrow, and conquer.

This government was given us to enjoy and to perpetuate. We have no right to destroy it, nor to permit it to be destroyed by wicked and conspiring men. Let the Union be dissolved, and where, how, or when could boundaries be established? Every section and State would be at war with each other, and the country devoured by predatory bands. The rebellion, which calls itself a government, is as fugitive as a she-wolf. It is a government in a wheel-barrow, ready to be trundled about wherever necessity requires. Its officers, calling themselves Presidents, Judges, Senators, and members of Congress, are simply what history will call them: pirates, thieves, murderers, conspirators, assassins; and when stripped of their disguises and put in the world's pillory, for scorn to point her slow, unmoving finger at, they will appear as they really are, and occupy their rightful position. When the mothers whose children they have murdered, the wives whose husbands they have slain, and the children whose fathers they have butchered, shall raise their hands against them; when the betrothed maiden, widowed in the sight of heaven, shall rise up to accuse them, they will be driven from human habitations to be hidden from the gaze of men. And those who have sought to uphold them should tremble, for there will come a day of reckoning for them also, and it will be a terrible reality.

I have never felt so proud of my country as since it has been set upon by this fiendish rebellion. The spirit of the loyal people, and their uprising to resist it, have been sublime. I

thank God that I have been permitted to live to help take the monster by the throat and strangle it to death. I see, with an eye of faith, the overthrow of the rebellion; its votaries demoralized, naked, starving; its wretched leaders, maddened by their misfortunes, brought to the public scaffold, or driven into exile; but the sun of liberty shining brighter and more beautiful than ever, the Union restored, purified, and strengthened, and peace and happiness triumphing over disorder and strife. To this end, the American people are coming together to stay up the hands of each other and the President, to fight out the great battle of freedom successfully, and establish on a firm foundation peace, justice, and protection, to every section of the Union.