SPEECH

DELIVERED AT THE CAPITOL, IN THE CITY OF ALBANY, October 10, 1862.

MR. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN-We have come together on this occasion for the purpose of ratifying the Union nominations made by the People's Convention at Syracuse. Ordinarily, ratification means that we approve of the persons nominated, and of the political opinions they entertain. It means that now, but it means also much more. It now becomes a question which shoots down deeper, which rises higher and spreads wider, on either hand, than any similar question has ever before done. It now bears relation to a question which more deeply concerns the best interests of humanity than any which has arisen since the Saviour was given to fallen man, and the dawn of the Christian era.

I do not forget that I stand in the Capitol of the first State of the Union, whose voice may be, should be, and, I trust, will be, potential in deciding the great contest before us-not merely in her local election, but in the popular thunder-tones in denunciation of rebellion. The time for extended argument has passed by, and we should employ only rallyingwords to arouse the people to the importance and dignity of the occasion. The question in this day of rebellion is what it was in the days of that other harlot, Jezebel. We should inquire now, as was inquired then, who is on the Lord's side; and those who are not should be thrown down from high places, as she was, to the dogs.

This, I repeat, is not a question of party. It concerns the whole family of man, and is almost as broad and deep in its influences as the shoreless ocean of eternity itself. It not only affects the people and their government here, but influences the cause of man's freedom throughout the earth, and will

through all future time. It is a question with only two sides. One is that of popular government, and the other that of rebellion, anarchy, and lawlessness; and woe be to him who, under whatever pretence or disguise he may appear, obstructs the great car of popular progress. There is no half-way station-no hiding-holes or skulking-places for those who would sympathize with disloyalty, and have not the courage to meet the occasion manfully; but every one must stand out in the canvass, and be for or against the cause of his country in this, her day of peril.

In this contest I acknowledge the force of no party. I invoke the spirit of my country's Constitution. I implore all loyal citizens, regardless of political antecedents or opinions, to come together and act together for the overthrow of the hideous monster which threatens our well-being. I scorn and defy all party obligations in such a crisis as this. No patriot will, at such a time, attempt the rearing of a partisan standard; and he who does it deserves to be branded as an ingrate and driven from society. I shall obey no party behests. Mere party watchwords in such a crisis have neither charm nor power. I shall resist and laugh at the assaults and detractions of its purchased and tricky tools, and endeavor to discharge the duty I owe to that society of which I am a member. If any suppose they can fetter me with party harness, let them attempt to put it on. They shall see how much it will restrain my movements, and how soon I will rend it in pieces, as Samson did the green withes with which the Philistines of old bound him. In times past I have played my part upon the stage of party politics—the nation's history may tell with what fidelity and faith. But now that our government is threatened with destruction by conspiracy and rebellion, I ignore all party spirit and all association with party, and raise my voice to rally my fellow-citizens, of every shade of political faith, to come up to the rescue of this priceless heritage; and I shall cry even at midnight, like Paul Revere of the Revolution, until all shall be aroused, by a just sense of danger and of duty, to rally around the standard of their country as one man, and save it from desecration and destruction. I am not to be misled by mere names. I have been a Democrat of the straightest sect, brought up at the feet of the great Ga

maliels of the party; but in such a time as this, I deny the application of party-that its demands should be acknowledged, that its behests can be enforced or should be obeyed, or that any true Democrat will attempt the enforcement of party obligations. It is only the selfish hangers-on, whose principles are position and plunder, that attempt to bring into the field and run the old party machinery, which they have taken without leave, that they may steal into places which they could never gain under other circumstances.

It is asserted by those who insist on political organization, that Abolitionists made the war. Well, suppose they did, is the danger any less to our institutions than if it had originated in other causes? Can we permit our edifice to be destroyed because a comparatively small number of persons kindled the conflagration? Is it not as much the duty of the whole people to preserve the edifice as though the misfortune were the result of circumstances where no party whatever could be chargeable with wrong? But Abolitionists did not make the war. It was neither because of slavery nor anti-slavery. These elements were made a pretext, and employed as trading capital by the conspirators and villains who inaugurated this rebellion, for the purpose of uniting, as far as possible, the minds of the Southern people in the false idea that their institution was in danger. This war is the fruit of a wicked and unhallowed ambition, commenced for the purpose of elevating demagogues of the vilest type to places of power in this government, or a new one to be formed for their convenience and accommodation. It was waged upon the loyal people because Satan took Jeff Davis and his associates up into an exceeding high place, on the Blue Ridge Mountains, and showed him all the Southern kingdoms below, and promised that all these things he would give them to enter the service of his sable majesty. They were weak and wicked enough to suppose he possessed some title to the territory in view, and entered his service accordingly, acknowledging him commander-in-chiefa position which he still holds, they acting as his subordinates, and having the advantages of the rebellion as the reward of their enterprising exertions.

But it is said the administration does not conduct the war as it should; that it has committed errors; that it has been

guilty of mistakes and miscalculations; that our generals in the field have not been as successful as they should have been; and these are urged as reasons for raising up a political party to make war upon the administration instead of war upon the rebellion. It is doubtless much easier for those who are not charged with the responsibilities of the war to conduct it in theory with entire success, hundreds of miles away from all its blood and devastation, than it is for those who are concerned in its terrible realities. But, if all these fault-findings were true, instead of being a reason for abandoning the administration and raising up a party to embarrass its action-to discourage and depress the feelings of our people and to encourage and stimulate rebellion-it would be a reason for rallying around the administration with increased unanimity and vigor, giving it additional strength and courage and hope, and cheering it and sustaining it by every effort of a united, loyal people.

The rebellion recently, in its desperation, has gravely proposed to hang out the black flag, and to put to death every loyal citizen who falls within its power. In the name of the loyal people, I dare them to the execution. Whenever they shall put this infamous and barbarous threat in execution, the first individual whose blood they shed shall be avenged by an avenger of blood. The people of the loyal States will rise to their feet in one mighty mass, and, if no other individual will lead, I will, and, if needs be, I would gird up my loins like Peter the Hermit, and walk barefooted over the region of country where such foul murder should be perpetrated; and the condition in which Hyder Ali left the Carnatic should be a garden of fruits and flowers compared with the condition of the land where they shall perpetrate their diabolical assassinations.

That there is an attempt to revive political divisions, at such a time, is no fault of mine. I besought those, I say again, with whom I had formerly acted, to suspend all party action until this rebellion should be closed. The Republicans, whom I had always opposed, though the prevailing party in the State, generously proposed to unite in a common ticket. This was refused, not by the Democratic party, but by those who, unfortunately, at the time had control of its machinery, upon the

for the poor purpose

ground that no war must be prosecuted against rebellion unless every effort in that direction should be "accompanied by the most liberal propositions of peace;" that every leaden pill administered to their stomachs must be "carefully sugar-coated; ' that every bayonet must contain upon its point a flag of truce, and a button be placed upon every foil, so that no harm could possibly be done to half a million of men in arms against the government of our fathers. If all had then united, as they should have done, before this time the rebellion would have been crushed, and the rebels would have acknowledged the supremacy of the Constitution and laws. May God forgive those wretches who committed this terrible sin of gratifying a mean and selfish ambition! It would have saved us thousands of valuable lives, preserved to us the best blood that has been poured out upon the rebellious battle-fields, and given life and hope and joy in our land, which has been one vast Rama, filled with lamentations and mournings of mothers for their children. "Thou canst not say I did it "--I invoked my brethren, and those of all political opinions, to come in and unite in the great cause of liberty in defending our country's institutions. But small politicians and their pressing necessities were to be provided for, amid the carnage and death-groans of this terrible war. They are willing now to be war men by less than halves, making ten assaults upon the administration to one upon the rebellion.

The rebellion looked to England, and somewhat to France, for aid and comfort; and one of its chief hopes was in foreign intervention. Sickened and discouraged by hope deferred, its expectations no longer repose there, but rest in two elements on this contineut not dissimilar in their influences, and, under the circumstances, about upon an equality as public curses-the one is yellow fever in the South, and the other a political party fever in the North. These two elements form now its chief hope and expectation. But the wintry season is advancing. Autumn is already upon us, and its healthful breezes and purifying frosts will soon dispel all expectation of aid from the fell destroyer; and all the hopes of the rebellion will then be centered upon those who one year ago proposed to meet it with "liberal propositions of peace," and are now engaged in a political campaign which it looks to with increased anxiety. But