I regard this as the world's struggle between free popular government and despotism. It is so viewed by the tyrannies and aristocracies of earth, and hence, with all their pretended horror of domestic slavery, we see them sympathizing with a rebellion, proposing to rest for its perpetual foundations upon the groans of African servitude. That those who have been fattening like vampires upon the life-blood of their fellow-beings; who are bloated and intoxicated with privilege, and who live riotously upon earnings of the laborer whose children are starving for bread, should desire to see a government of free- ' dom and equality overthrown, is not surprising. But that rational beings in the new hemisphere, and in the loyal States too, can add their sympathy and succor to a cause which "defies God and tramples on man," is a problem in its moral, social, and political relations which I know not how to solve. The Rajah of Mysore, being afflicted with a carbuncle of threatening character, in the indulgence of a heathen bloody superstition, caused an infant of tender age to be slain nightly, and bound over it, in the expectation that it would be healed. The gorged and grasping and plundering votaries of the dominion of man over his fellow-man in the Old World, by a vicious organization, slaughter hecatombs of children daily, not to cure, but to perpetuate the huge political excrescence which disfigures their political and social system; and not contented with this enormity at home, seek to transfer it to our own favored land by the dissolution of our Union, and the destruction of our government. In the great day of accounts, when the hearts of all men are laid open to view, the swarthy Pagan with his hideous divinities, his obscene orgies, disgusting mummeries, and bloody sacrifices, will be esteemed an honester man in the sight of God than he of the Old World or the New, who, born in a Christian land, baptized in the name of the Trinity, reared in the light of gospel truth, yet seeks to place the heel of despotism upon the neck of unborn generations. In a struggle so momentous I heartily reject and trample on all sickly sentimentality, all puling propositions of peace, all the frothy declamation and flimsy sophisms of canting hypocrites and ranting demagogues, small and great, over their parrot phrases "free press" and "free speech," and the buga-boo cry of abolitionism, and shall follow but one paramount idea. It is this: The government is assailed by armed rebellion; one must prevail and the other go down! So long as this conflict continues, I shall be found on the side of the government, supporting any administration which is in good faith endeavoring to suppress it, and this too, whether its efforts are exerted in resisting the approach of rebel arms, hanging spies and traitors, sinking pirate ships, confiscating the property of rebels, liberating their slaves, enforcing conscription or raising colored troops; and I would also sustain it in snuffing out rebel journals and imprisoning spouting treason-mongers whenever necessary, and when the influence they exert is worthy of notice, which I admit is not often the case. But the power is abundant and I would leave its exercise to those charged with a duty so important, delicate and responsible, hinting to them the admonition, however, not to help dwarfed and obscure demagogues into a notoriety which they court, but cannot attain unaided. The great question now is, the existence of the government, the protection of the Union against conspiracy, rebellion, and treason, at any cost of blood or treasure, and by any and every means known to or justified by the rules of war, or practised by Christian civilization. This is the grand and absorbing issue, and let us not be diverted or driven from it by armed conspirators on rebellious territory, or their unarmed and less manly abettors, apologists, and sympathizers in the loyal States, who keep one foot in rebellion and the other out, ready to jump on to success on either side; nor listen to the copperhead, "charm he never so wisely; " bat pursue the good work until it is fully, completely, and successfully accomplished. When this conspiracy is crushed and the government vindicated, I care not how widely this new-fledged, pin-feathered philanthropy, yearning over treason and murder and traitors, expands itself. When rebellion lays down its arms, we shall have a real, an honorable, and enduring peace. But until the supremacy of the constitution and the laws is fully acknowl edged, all the hosannas sung to peace by the sweet singers of sympathy with rebellion will prove illusory, even though in the amended if not improved language of the poet, "The steer and lion at one crib shall meet, We can crush the rebellion in spite of rebel arms, British sympathy and material aid, or the machinations of tad-pole politicians at home. But all that gives hope to rebellion, as these aids and comforts do, encourages it to postpone its day of yielding to the authority of government, and to stagger on a little further, to see what may come to its assistance; it protracts the war, and swells the sacrifice of life, already fearfully alarming. It would hasten peace, if treason-apologizing journals could cease their advocacy of the rebel cause for the present, and indemnify themselves for their abstinence after the war is over, by depreciating the government, by eulogies upon rebellion and slavery, to their hearts' content; if gasconading orators could teem with eloquent invective a few months longer, when their delivery would be harmless, when they could howl like the dervishes of Syria against the government of their fathers and indulge all the "freedom of speech" enjoyed and practised by their "illustrious predecessors" in the days of Balaam the prophet. The duty of all loyal men is plain and practical. Their success, with integrity of purpose and perseverance, is certain. Let the preservation of the Union and the constitution be the pillar and the cloud to mark the pathway until rebellion is dead and buried at the cross-roads, with its face downwards, as the ancients disposed of felons, and all other considerations be made entirely secondary and left to take their chances, and the sun of peace will speedily shine over us with healing in his wings. Be pleased to remember me kindly to the gentlemen who have so generously desired my attendance and expressed their wishes in terms so complimentary, and believe me to be Sincerely yours D. S. DICKINSON. MR. BELL TO MR. DICKINSON. 125 FIFTH AVENUE, June 8, 1863, MY DEAR SIR-I read your Chenango County Address with as much of surprise as of pleasure and of interest-surprise, that I should find you the author of such a production, so variant from what the world has been taught to regard you or to expect from you. Since our interesting (at least to me) ride on the Hudson River cars to Albany, I could the more readily understand and believe your interest in it. As a purely literary and elegant composition, and I may say, I trust, without your thinking that I speak merely for compliment, that I read it with delight, and that it deserves, as it one day will receive, a much wider circulation than among your immediate personal friends. As you said, I had (I have no doubt in common with most of those who did not intimately know you) been taught to regard you purely as a politician and statesman, and had no idea of your culture of belles-lettres or the arts, much less of the sentiments and the affections. But life is too short, after all, to give away, for all that power or fame can give, the nobler, if they are the softer and better, qualities that cling to and cluster around the heart, and I love you only the more, my dear Mr. Dickinson, for what you were kind enough to tell me of your past, and what might be called by some a weakness, but which I prize highest as the noblest and best of your qualities. You have won me, I feel very happy that I have met you. and had long ago before I saw you, by the noble stand you took for the Union at the outset of the present struggle. I shall not fail to stand by you and support you in my weak way in the great work that is approaching, and I hope always to call you my friend. Yours ever faithfully, CLARK BELL. MR. BIDWELL TO MR. DICKINSON. NEW YORK, July 3, 1863. MY DEAR SIR-Please to accept my thanks for the photograph which, in compliance with my request, you have had the kindness to send to me. Already it adorns my book, where it will remain and be carefully preserved by my family, as I am very confident, long after you and I have passed away. I value it highly. I thank you also for your address. I have not had time to read it, but reserve that pleasure for the summer vacation, when I shall have time to peruse it deliberately and carefully. I have, however, taken some furtive glances at it, sufficient to assure me of a treat when I can take it up without interruption. I rejoice to see the energy with which you have denounced this most unprovoked and nefarious rebellion-a rebellion which has desolated this fair land, has filled it with mourning, desolation, and woe, has gladdened devils, despots, and aristocrats, and has brought reproach on the cause of self-government and free institutions. In spite of the malice and desperate efforts of the arch-traitors, and of the grave discouragements we encounter in the conduct of affairs at Washington, I trust that, through the mercy and favor of God, the spirit of the people will put it down in such a signal manner, that all patriots and friends of liberty will have cause for exultation and joy. Yours truly, MARSHALL S. BIDWELL. MR. DICKINSON TO MISS NELLIE MYGATT. THE ORCHARD, August 9, 1863. MY DEAR NELLIE-Well, that jaunt or journey-or visit or excursion, has been taken-and it partook of all these characteristics, and we returned here last evening, and found your kind letter of Monday. We took an easy carriage, and Mrs. Dickinson, our pet boys, two fowling-guns, two fishing-rods, myself and some other baggage started on Tuesday morning and went leisurely to Oxford, where we staid at the little hotel on the Governor Tracy side of the river, quite comfortably. We had a great many pleasant calls and cordial greetings from old family friends and acquaintances and strangers. Wednesday morning went to Guilford, dined at the little hotel, and spent the residue of the day with my sister, two and a half miles from there, on |