obeyed immediately, and the stampede of the Blaine and Sherman delegates to him began. On the thirty-sixth ballot he received 399 votes and the nomination. Blaine was left with 42 votes, Sherman with 3. Grant's "Old Guard" of 306 remained faithful to him to the end. Chester A. Arthur was named for the vice presidency "as a sop thrown to Conkling and the Stalwarts."

In the campaign an attempt was made by the Democrats to discredit Garfield by reviving the charges against him in the Crédit Mobilier scandal, but his vindication had already been furnished by his successive elections to Congress (1874, 1876, 1878) and his unanimous choice by the legislature of Ohio (1880) for the Senate of the United States. He was warmly commended by President Hayes, and was supported generally by the reform element of the party (Schurz, J. D. Cox, G. W. Curtis). Even Conkling and Grant spoke for him at public meetings. The Democratic candidate, General Winfield Scott Hancock, the hero of Gettysburg, was, like Garfield, a gallant soldier and a winsome man; but he was wholly without Garfield's training and experience. The attempt on the part of the Republicans to make the preservation of the results of the Civil War an issue of the campaign was effectively answered by Hancock's clear statement that "the government can never pay any debt, pension, or reward of any sort for waging war on its existence." Garfield won the election in November by 214 electoral votes to 155, but his popular majority was less than 9000. He carried all the states of the North and West except New Jersey, Nevada, and five of the votes of California. Hancock carried the "Solid South," which, from the election of 1880

1 Hancock was much ridiculed during the campaign for his assertion that the tariff is a "local issue." But our history has proved that he was not far from right. If the tariff has not been a strictly "local" issue, it has at least always been a pretty narrowly sectional issue.

2 The loss of votes in California was due to the anti-Chinese sentiment in the state. On October 20 there was published in the New York Truth the so-called "Morey letter," in which Garfield was represented as a friend to the cheap labor of the Chinese on the coast. Though Garfield promptly denounced the letter as a forgery, his denial could not undo all the mischief of the suggestion.

to the election of Theodore Roosevelt twenty-four years later, did not contribute a single electoral vote to the Republican column.

President Hayes retired to private life on March 4, 1881, with a record unsullied by the temptations of ambition and with a reputation for statesmanship which has grown with the passing years. Carl Schurz said of him: "Public station in this country has seldom if ever been graced by a man of purer character or higher and more conscientious conception of duty and more patriotic motives." He met every public question with a calm decision that revealed the inflexible principle behind his actions, and, with the devoted coöperation of his gracious wife, Lucy Webb Hayes, made the White House the center of a quiet, dignified hospitality whose influence penetrated the whole social life of the capital. When Hayes visited Harvard College at the Commencement of 1877 to receive the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws, he had an even more fitting title conferred upon him by the poet Oliver Wendell Holmes in the prophetic line "His Honesty, the President."

THE TENTH CENSUS

The year of Garfield's inauguration marked the centennial anniversary of the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown and of the adoption of the first constitution of the United States-the Articles of Confederation. At the close of each decade of the intervening century the Federal government had compiled a census. The earlier censuses were hardly more than the bare enumeration of the population, with its geographical distribution; but from the middle of the nineteenth century they grew more and more elaborate, until they came to fill several thick volumes with statistics illustrating a vast variety of industrial and sociological conditions. The tenth census (1880) has a special significance, not only as the record of our growth in numbers, efficiency, and wealth during the first century of the Republic but also as the sure indication of the new kinds of problems with which the Republic was to be called upon to deal

as the years of its second century wore on. It furnished the economic and social statistics which explain in large measure the political ideas which were developing in various parts of the country. It revealed the conditions of industry, commerce, and banking in the East which made that section a stronghold of conservatism in the generation to come; it showed why the West was the recruiting ground for groups and parties advocating radical measures in agrarian legislation, transportation, and currency; it heralded a "New South" founded on industrial expansion and diversified production, in place of the old monopoly of the cotton plantation. Without attempting any elaborate abstract of the census of 1880, it will be useful to cite a few of the figures which throw light upon the new ideas of national responsibilities and powers that had to be worked out by the generations which followed the men of the era of the Civil War and reconstruction.

The course of our political and constitutional history from colonial days to the present has been determined more by the competing or conflicting interests of certain sections of the population than by any abstract theories of government based upon political metaphysics. Indeed, the theories of a Jefferson or a Hamilton, a Calhoun or a Webster, a Rhett or a Seward, a Bryan or a Root, have generally been developed to justify and fortify the positions which the specific economic and social interests of their environment led these men to take. It will be helpful, therefore, to the understanding of the problems which underlay the new nationalism of the generation following the Civil War to consider some of the figures of the tenth census from the point of view of these sectional interests. For this purpose let us divide the country into three parts: (1) the group of twelve industrial states lying north of the Potomac and the Ohio and east of Indiana and Michigan;1 (2) the group of twelve agricultural and mining states of the West; and (3) the group of thirteen

1

1Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Ohio. 2 Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Nevada, Oregon, and California.

Southern states, including the states of the secession plus Kentucky and Missouri.' West Virginia is included with Virginia in this enumeration. The remaining ten states of our present Union were still under the territorial form of government in 1880.

The states lying north of the Potomac and the Ohio and east of Indiana and Michigan, comprising about one fourteenth of the country's area, contained a population of 18,786,190 in 1880, or 34 per cent of the total population of 50,155,783. This section was the region of factory, warehouse, foundry, and mill. Of the total manufactured products of $5,369,579,190, it is credited in the census of 1880 with $3,661,645,971, or 68.2 per cent. Although the modern "trust" had not yet appeared, the trend toward concentration in industry was already manifest. For in the decade from 1870 to 1880, while the number of manufacturing establishments with an output of $500 or more had shown hardly any change (253,882 as against 252,148), the number of employees had increased 36.8 per cent, and the value of the products 31.6 per cent. The mills and factories drew men by the thousands from the farms and villages, and absorbed tens of thousands of immigrants from the Old World. The industrial section of the country was rapidly becoming urbanized. Within its limits were to be found 166 of the 286 cities of over 8000 population and 3,079,937 of the 6,679,943 foreign persons in the country.

The social, economic, and political effects of this herding of people in the great industrial centers, which continued at an accelerating pace during the decade of the eighties, were of enormous importance. Problems of housing, sanitation, health, and morals became acute as the slums extended and the

1 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas.

2 By 1890 the cities of 8000 population and over had increased from 286 to 448 (56.6 per cent) and the value of manufactures from $5,369,000,000 to $9,956,000,000 (68.7 per cent). The 2,812,191 immigrants of the decade 18701880 increased to 5,246,613 in the decade 1880-1890. During this latter decade we received more than one third of all the foreigners who had come to our shores since the year 1819, when the statistics of immigration began to be kept.

"proletariat" multiplied. Strikes and lockouts, picketing and black-listing, increased as capital and labor, ever more "classconscious," massed for the conflict. Controversies over wages, hours, the closed or open shop, the labor of women and children, the recognition of the unions, the liability of employers for the health and safety of their workers, invaded the legislatures and filled the columns of the press. The presence of large numbers of newly arrived and hastily naturalized foreigners offered the "bosses" of the cities unrivaled opportunities for political demagogy. And the foundations were deeply and firmly laid for that régime of urban corruption which our foreign visitors like Mr. Bryce deplored as the canker of the American democracy, and which our own critics so mercilessly exposed in books on "The Shame of the Cities" and "The Boss and the Machine." Of course these deplorable conditions were only the seamy side of the fabric, the ugly reverse of the pattern in which we took a great and justifiable pride. The national conscience had not yet been roused to combat political and economic evils as it had been roused to fight for the extirpation of slavery and the preservation of the Union. Men high in public life could openly sneer at reform and deliberately block remedial legislation, without losing their own self-respect or the political support of their constituents. Like Scipio of old, they could tear up the bill of indictment and invite the people to join in the triumphal procession to the Capitol. Was it not more patriotic, as well as more pleasant, to dwell on the great material accomplishments which were registered in the census of 1880? Our national wealth had reached $43,600,000,000, or $870 per capita; while our national debt had shrunk from $2,740,000,000 at the close of the war to $1,922,000,000, or $38.33 per capita. The grand total of our commerce, banking, manufactures, agriculture, and mining was $10,395,000,000 as against $10,130,000,000 for Great Britain and $6,62 5,000,000 for France—our nearest competitors. We already led all the other nations of the world in the last three items, and were surpassed only by Great Britain, France, and Germany in commerce and by Great Britain in banking. With the completion of our first century of national