James Harlan, of Iowa; Samuel C. Pomeroy and Edmund G. Ross, of Kansas; Garrett Davis and Thomas C. McCreery, of Kentucky; William Pitt Fessenden and Lot M. Morrill, of Maine; Reverdy Johnson and George Vickers, of Maryland; Charles Sumner and Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts; Zachariah Chandler and Jacob M. Howard, of Michigan; Daniel S. Norton and Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota; Charles D. Drake and John B. Henderson, of Missouri; John M. Thayer and Thomas W. Tipton, of Nebraska; James W. Nye and William M. Stewart, of Nevada; Aaron H. Cragin and James W. Patterson, of New Hampshire; Alexander G. Cattell and Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey; Roscoe Conkling and Edwin D. Morgan, of New York; John Sherman and Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio; Henry W. Corbett and George H. Williams, of Oregon; Charles R. Buckalew and Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Henry B. Anthony and William Sprague, of Rhode Island; Joseph S. Fowler and David T. Patterson, of Tennessee; George F. Edmunds and Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont; Peter G. Van Winkle and Waitman T. Willey of West Virginia, and James R. Doolittle and Timothy O. Howe, of Wisconsin. The order of procedure during the trial was as follows: The Senate convened at twelve o'clock and was called to order by the President (Benjamin F. Wade), who, after prayer, would leave the chair, which was immediately assumed by the Chief Justice, who wore his robe of office. The prosecution was mainly conducted by Benjamin F. Butler, who examined the witnesses, and, in conjunction with others, argued the points of law. The defense during the early part of the trial was chiefly conducted by Henry Stanbery, but he being taken suddenly ill, William M. Evarts took the principal management. According to the rule at first adopted, the trial was to be opened by one counsel on each side, but this was subsequently modified, so as to allow as many managers and counsel as chose to sum up, either orally or by filing written arguments. The court decided to vote upon the articles at noon on Tuesday, May 12, 1868, but a secret session was held on Monday, during which several Senators made short speeches stating the grounds upon which they expected to cast their votes. On Tuesday, the court agreed to postpone the vote until Saturday noon, May 16th, and upon that day a vote was taken upon the Eleventh Article, the main indictment which was that the Thirty-ninth Congress was not a legal body, the Senate having agreed to vote upon that first. The question was put to each Senator, "How say you—is the respondent, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, guilty or not guilty of a high misdemeanor as charged in the article?" Those responding "guilty" were: Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and Yates-35. Those responding "Not guilty" were: Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbury, Trumbull, Van Winkle and Vickers-19. The Constitution requiring two-thirds to convict (or but one more vote than was cast), the President was acquitted on the Eleventh Article. After taking this vote, the court adjourned until Tuesday, May 26th, when votes were taken on the Second and Third Articles, which charged him with violating the Tenure of Office Act, in removing Secretary Stanton, with precisely the same result as on the Eleventh, the vote standing each time 35 for conviction and 19 for acquittal. A verdict of acquittal was thereupon ordered to be entered on the record, and, without voting on the other articles, the court adjourned sine die. Mr. Stanton immediately resigned, and was succeeded as Secretary of War by General John M. Schofield, of New York. The political differences differences between President Johnson and the Republican leaders in Congress were not softened by the attempted impeachment, and their failure to impeach him did not apparently weaken them with the masses of the party. The leaders were so well united and so firmly supported that those who differed from them soon passed, at least temporarily, from public life; and some of the ablest, like Senators Fessenden and Trumbull, were retired permanently. But the President considered himself vindicated and pursued his policy steadfastly to the end of his term of office. On July 4, 1868, he issued a proclamation of pardon to all persons who had engaged in rebellion, except those under presentment or indictment in a United States Court for treason; and on December 25th, a full pardon to everybody still deprived of their political rights, whether on trial or under indictment or not, probably in preparation for his retirement to his native State, where he had apparently regained the love and confidence of his early Democratic associates. Jacob D. Cox, twenty-third Governor of Ohio, was inaugurated Monday, January 9, 1866, in the rotunda of the State House at Columbus, Jacob Brinkerhoff, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, administering the oath of office. His inaugural address was scholarly, able and eloquent--one of the best of such addresses ever delivered. Discussing the war and its results upon the future of the country, he said in part: The war was not waged by us who were faithful to the Government, to subvert any of the principles of human liberty upon which that Government was based, but to confirm and establish them. The one great doctrine which has been settled by the war is that the National Union can not and shall not be destroyed by the action of any of the States composing it; but its continuance, its modification, or its dissolution shall be determined by the whole people acting as one Nation under the forms of the Federal Constitution. The one great social change which has been determined by the same event, is the abolition of slavery. the success of which was staked upon the success of rebellion, of which it was the cause. These things have been decided in the dread court of last resort for peoples and nations. By as much as the shock of armed hosts is more grand than the intellectual tilt of lawyers; as the God of battles is a more awful judge than any earthly court; by so much does the dignity of this contest and the finality of this decision exceed that of any human tribunal. If we have not been right in pledging our lives and our fortunes to save our country, then the blood of the myriads of heroes who have fallen rests with murderous guilt upon our souls, and we should never consent that the justification or con demnation of this great people should rest, now or hereafter, with any bench of judges however learned, especially when each judge must determine his own cause, since he must have been for or against the country in her struggle. There are some things to which courts of law can add no sanction, and a nation's appeal to God when it seizes the sword is one of them. We may, when necessary, try individual traitors, and the people of the United States will appear as prosecutor, but not as defendant at the bar. Being conqueror, the Government has the undoubted right to impose terms upon the conquered, but in the statement of what should limit and define those terms, difficul ties arise. We are apt, indeed, to listen with impatience to any limitation to our control over those who are subject to us. The pleasures of rulership and the joy which is felt in the exercise of power have always appealed with peculiar force to the frailties of human nature, and professed Republicans have been as subject to their temptation as other men. In a time like this most of us feel the necessity of checking our impulses and passions, challenging the motives and the consistency of our actions, and of fastening our attention, by effort of will, upon principles of government and of human rights which have been axioms to us during the period of the growth of our institutions and of conflicts between us and powerful foreign powers. However unwelcome the task of self-examination, we owe it to ourselves to make it thorough and searching. The ancient conqueror was accompanied by a slave in his triumphal car, who reminded him of his humanity and his weakness; we must act as our own prompters to moderation and justice, and remind ourselves of the rules which should control our action, and of the dangerous tendencies of our own nature. We need no stimulus to anything which runs with the whole current of popular impulse and feeling; such things will take care of themselves, but no duty can be more impor tant than that of stopping occasionally to weigh well what seems to cross our desires or to question the direction of our progress. We have the right and are in duty bound to insist upon sufficient guaranties for the future safety of the Union; but those guaranties must be such as shall not be inconsistent with a republican government for those who give as well as for those who receive such security. On January 17th, the Republican members of the General Assembly held a joint caucus and nominated John Sherman as their candidate for United States Senator. General Robert C. Schenck and John A. Bingham received a number of votes, but Mr. Sherman's election was declared unanimous. On the following day Senator Sherman was reelected over Allen G. Thurman for the full term from March 3, 1867, by the following vote: Senate Sherman 25, Thurman 11; House-Sherman 66; Thurman 30; total, Sherman 91; Thurman 41. The Democratic State Convention was held in Naughten Hall, Columbus, Thursday, May 24th. Hugh J. Jewett and Allen G. Thurman were respectively Temporary and Permanent Chairmen. The nominations for State officers were as follows: Secretary of State, Benjamin LeFever, of Shelby County; Judge of Supreme Court, Thomas M. Key, of Hamilton; Member of the Board of Public Works, William Larwill, of Ashland. The platform declared against equal rights, including suffrage for the freedmen, and expressed great confidence in victory at the polls "for the people," on account, on doubt, of the differences between the President and the Republicans in Congress. Republicans in Congress. Among the circumstances which seemed to give them encouragement was the fact that early in the year a majority of the members of the Republican National Committee had met in Philadelphia and issued an address to the people, taking issue with President John son. At that time the offices of the following Committeemen had been declared vacant by reason of their abandonment of the party and their affiliation with its enemies:" Henry J. Raymond, of New York, Chairman of the Committee; N. D. Sperry, of Connecticut, and George B. Senter, of Ohio. Marcus L. Ward, of Rhode Island, was elected Chairman, and the vacancy on the part of Ohio was promptly filled by the selection of Benjamin Rush Cowen, of Belmont County. The call for the Republican State Convention was issued on May 1st by Rush R. Sloane, Chairman, and William E. Davis, Secretary, of the State Central Committee, and George B. Wright, Chairman, and James Wilson, Secretary, of the State Executive Committee. The basis of representation was fixed at one delegate for each 500 votes cast for Jacob D. Cox for Governor in 1865, or 446 delegates in all, and Saturday, June 9, was fixed as the date for selecting delegates, who were to be "men who should truly represent the best interests of the people." The Committees did not fail to attach their review of what the party had done in the past, and ought to do in the future. They said: Five years ago the Union Republican party was organized on the all-important but simple platform of the preservation of the Union and the Government. To it the loyal men of all parties rallied, and with it have since acted. Five years of earnest co-operation and labor together have made us friends and taught us many valuable lessons. We have learned that violent party spirit and bitter partisan feeling are great evils and tend to mislead the judgment; that, while we had the power and patriotism to crush out a great and wicked rebellion, we need the exercise of charity and forbearance to overcome passion and prejudice; that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty;" and that every step of our progress in the recent great struggle has been marked by the finger of Divine providence. Is the work for which we joined hands completed? True, the war is at an end, and we rejoice at the return of peace, but the same great National political questions are before the country now that have stirred men's minds and hearts for several years past, and new and important questions involving the credit and character of our Government, at home and abroad, must be settled and established. For what have the brave men of our country periled life and fortune, if not that a free people's Government and that the integrity of the Union be maintained and perpetuated, and the right and doctrine of secession be forever abandoned? These can not be fully accomplished without the united effort of the good, wise, loyal and true-hearted men of the State firmly standing together, as they have stood for five years past. Ignoring false issues and all appeals to passion and prejudice, let us meet in council resolved to stand by the principles which have guided us during the past years of trial, and let us nominate for office men who have fought for them. With the true spirit of patriotism and the Divine, blessing success and victory will as certainly follow our banner in peace as they did in war. The State Convention met at the Atheneum, Columbus, at eleven o'clock, Wednesday morning, June 20th. There was a large attendance of delegates and spectators, filling the hall completely, when Judge Our party is composed of the best of all the former political organizations united in the common cause of rescuing and of preserving the Government. By the glorious, self-sacrificing efforts of this party, the most gigantic rebellion of all time has been suppressed, and now, when the war bugle is no longer sounded, when the questions for our solution partake wholly of a civil character, it is not surprising that differences of opinion arise as to the means to be employed, or the measures to be adopted, in accomplishing the objects in view. As to the vital questions but little differences exist. All agree as to the perpetuity of the Union; that the rebel debt shall never be assumed; as to the maintenance of the National credit; that secession is an obsolete idea; that treason is a crime; that slavery is and of right ought to be abolished forever, and liberty and freedom be forever preserved. We are also all agreed as against that party which sympathized with the rebels during the war and which now contends that no conditions whatever shall be made precedent to full participation in the Government of all who engaged in rebellion. And, while we may not agree as to the extent or manner of imposing conditions upon the rebel States before the admission of their Representatives and Senators in Congress, yet we are all agreed that they shall present themselves in an attitude of undoubted and indisputable loyalty, such as will preserve and guarantee the Nation's life. With these great objects secured, the blood and treasure of the loyal people of our land will not have been expended in vain, for then we shall truly have a land of the free and a home of the brave. Let us then, for harmony's sake, yield everything but principle. Let us submit, for the time being, to what by some may be regarded as concessions, for the attainment of the good in view so forcibly described in that sacred pledge of the great Jackson: "The Federal Union-it must be preserved!" And then will you perpetuate to the remotest generations that other sentiment of the immortal Webster: "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable." After a characteristic prayer by Rev. Granville Moody, George Hoadly, of Cincinnati, was announced as Temporary Chairman. He was welcomed to the stage with applause, and spoke substantially (in part) as follows: One of our gallant statesmen, Salmon P. Chase, has said "that any party must succeed whose principles were those of human liberty;" and so I believe in the ultimate success of the party we represent. Our State Government has been wise and frugal, careful of the interests of the people and successful in reducing taxation; and owing to the straightforward course of Congress, the results gained by the war have not been sacrificed. The Republican party, indeed, is a party of which none need be ashamed. Its candidates, whether civilians with experience or soldiers with proud records, have never forsaken principle, been false to their country or voted for Vallandigham or such men as him. It needs no veneering; it is solid wood, with a fair, straightforward record. Having crushed the rebellion, it is well qualified and perfectly competent to carry on the Government, and I wish but to add, in the words of Robert Emmet, who presided at the first Republican National Convention at Philadelphia in 1856, that we, as delegates, should commingle all our little isms of difference into one grand compound, so that the result of our labors may redound to the credit and patriotism of all." James M. Nash, of Mahoning, was elected Temporary Secretary, and James Irvin, of Coshocton, and Jacob H. Foster, of Van Wert, assistants. The various Committees were announced as follows: 3. II. Credentials: 1. Andrew Frey, Hamilton. 2. John W. Carter, Hamilton. Thomas J. Larsh, Preble. 4. Robert C. Fulton, Champaign. 5. James Harsh, Hancock. 6. Azariah W. Doan, Clinton. 7. Isaac C. Aston, Franklin. 8. Joseph Gunsaulus, Morrow. 9. George Redway, Huron. 10. John Spillman, Lucas. Henry L. Phillips, Adams. 12. William Free, Perry. 13. Samuel Hutchinson, Coshocton. 14. William M. Barber, Ashland. 15. John Adair, Morgan. 16. John Clark, Harrison. 17. Benjamin F. Potts, Carroll. 18. John H. Clark, Cuyahoga. 19. Peter Hitchcock, Geauga. Permanent Organization: 1. James W. Sands, Hamilton. 2. Amzi McGill, Hamilton. 3. Robert Smith, Butler. 4. James H. McElroy, Miami. Resolutions: 1. Frederick Hassaurek, Hamilton. 2. Henry Kepler, Hamilton. 3. Lewis B. Gunckle, Montgomery. 4. William H. West, Logan. 5. Samuel Lybrand, Allen. 6. Edward P. Evans, Adams. 7. Henry W. Smith, Madison. 8. Roeliff Brinkerhoff, Richland. 9. Arthur B. Nettleton, Erie. 10. John Shannon, Williams. II. William H. Powell, Jackson. 12. John M. Connell, Fairfield. 13. William R. Sapp, Knox. 14. Levi D. Griswold, Lorain. 15. Rodney M. Stimson, Washington. 16. Daniel D. T. Cowen, Belmont. 17. Edward F. Schneider, Stark. 18. Samuel Williamson, Cuyahoga. 19. Darius Cadwell, Ashtabula. Andrew Frey, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, reported that all the counties, except Holmes, were represented, that 444 delegates were present; and that there were no contests. The report was received and adopted. The following permanent officers were reported by the Committee on Organization, and thereupon unanimously elected: President: Peter Odlin, of Montgomery County. Vice Presidents: 1. George B. Hollister, Hamilton. 2. George Eichland, Hamilton. 3. James Scott, Warren. 4. |