OLITICAL troubles were rife in several

POLITICAL

of the Southern States, notably in Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas-the most serious being in the second named State, during President Grant's last Administration, although they began in 1872 at the Presidential election. Armed violence was precipitated in Louisiana, and early in 1873 the President called the attention of Congress to the absence of any specific law governing such cases, and that he had recognized as the de facto government the officers certified as elected by the Returning Board of the State. In his message to Congress he said he was "extremely anxious to avoid even the appearance of undue interference in State affairs, and if Congress differed from him as to what should be done he respectfully urged its immediate decision to that effect." But neither the House nor the Senate took any action in the matter of aiding or relieving the President, thus leaving all the responsibility with him. In 1874 the trouble was renewed, resulting in armed hostilities between the Republicans under Kellogg and the Democrats under McEnery, the respective candidates for Governor, and dual State governments. The former was the de facto officer, and as such called upon the Federal authorities for protection in his rights. Accordingly, United States regular troops were sent to New Orleans, under

General W. H. Emory, and for a time all violence was suppressed. Then, upon a renewal of hostilities, General Philip H. Sheridan was sent to the scene of trouble. Becoming convinced that it was his duty to sustain the de facto government, and at Kellogg's request, the General forcibly ejected the McEnery adherents from the State Capitol buildings. After that there was no further serious trouble until the time came for another gubernatorial election in Louisiana. The President submitted a comprehensive statement of the case to Congress, in the shape of a special message, and asked for legislation defining the duties of the Executive in such emergencies, but was again disappointed, as no specific law was enacted. What was known as the Inflation Bill" was passed by Congress early in April, 1874. This would have greatly increased the volume of the paper currency of the Government, and it received the hearty approval of many of President Grant's most ardent political supporters. But, after thoroughly studying the measure, and after actually having resolved at one time to approve it, the President returned it with a veto message to Congress on April 22d. The arguments he advanced against the measure were unanswerable and he was successful in thoroughly convincing the country that if enacted, it would indefinitely de

46

lay the resumption of specie payments. While this action cost him a few friends it met the instant approval of the public at large and of most of the Republicans of Ohio in particular.

Another expression of his views on the financial question was made public during the summer and attracted great attention. It was a letter dated June 4, 1874, addressed to Senator John P. Jones, of Nevada, beginning with this statement: "I believe it a high and plain duty (for the United States) to return to a specie basis at the earliest practicable day, not only in compliance with legislative and party pledges, but as a step indispensable to lasting National prosperity." The communication in its entirety was strictly in accord with the principles that the President had always entertained and ever had advocated in his State papers. It was printed in pamphlet form and widely circulated throughout Ohio as a campaign document by the Republican State Committee.

William Allen was inaugurated Governor of Ohio, Monday, January 12, 1874. The occasion was celebrated by a large concourse of people and an extensive and gorgeous military parade. The oath of office was administered on the east terrace of the State House, where the Governor also. delivered his inaugural address in the presence of an enormous crowd. The exultant Democracy wound up the day's proceedings with a brilliant ball in the city building and with addresses from in front of the Neil House by Allen G. Thurman, Samuel F. Hunt, George H. Pendleton and Thomas. Ewing. On the following Wednesday, January 14th, Allen G. Thurman, nephew and namesake of the Governor, was elected United States Senator to serve during the

term beginning March 4, 1875. The following was the vote in detail: SenateAllen G. Thurman, Dem., 22; Edward F. Noyes, Rep., 14. House-Thurman, 57; Noyes, 44; Jacob D. Cox, Ind., Rep., 1. Joint ballot-Thurman, 79; Noyes, 58; Cox, 1.

Early in the year there spread over Ohio, starting in the village of Hillsboro, what was known as the "Woman's Temperance Crusade." It was a movement on the part of the women of the State against the traffic in intoxicating liquors. As an organization the Republicans were in no way responsible for the inauguration of the crusade, but the party suffered greatly in the reaction which followed, because a larger percentage of the total abstainers and practical temperance men were Republicans and naturally, therefore, gave the women greater encouragement and more protection from insult and injury. Such of the liquor element as had been Republicans took note of this fact, and, leaguing themselves with those already Democrats, supplied the campaign managers of the latter with all the funds they could use, thus enabling them to effect a complete organization, to get out a full party vote, and to gain a decisive victory in the State.

A special election for the adoption or rejection of the proposed State Constitution framed by the Convention of 1873, was held Tuesday, August 18th. The result was its rejection by an overwhelming vote, chiefly because one one of the propositions directly voted upon was whether or not the State should license the traffic in intoxicating liquors. This, coming at the time when the excitement caused by the Crusade was at its highest point, aroused great interest as well as much antipathy. The proposed Constitution contained many excellent provisions designed to restrict special legis

lation and the growth of public indebtedness, which at that time, as ever since, were sources of serious evil. Only such information regarding it can be given in this connection as is necessary to explain the voting. Four propositions were printed on the ballot, on each of which the vote cast is given herewith: (1.) For or against the Constitution (as a whole): Yes, 102, 285; No, 250,169. (2.) For or against a separate proposition providing that where three or more Judges of either the Supreme Court or Circuit Court were to be chosen at the same election, no elector should vote for a greater number of candidates than a majority of the number to be chosen to each bench: Yes, 73,615; No, 259,415. (3.) For or against a separate provision authorizing cities, townships and villages, under general laws, to aid railroad companies, subject to stated and other restrictions, as might be prescribed by law: Yes, 45,416; No, 296,658. (4.) For or against giving the Legislature power to license the trade in spirituous liquors: Yes, 172,252; No 179,538. The only counties declaring in favor of the new Constitution, and perhaps the only ones voting right, were: Ashtabula, Clarke, Cuyahoga, Hamilton and Montgomery. The total vote of the State at that election was 351,840.

Thomas Ewing was the leading spirit of the Democratic State Convention of 1874, which was held at Columbus, Wednesday, August 26th. J. C. McKenny, of Montgomery County, was the Temporary Chairman, but Mr. Ewing was its Permanent Chairman, and as such sounded the "key note" of the year. It is said that he was the author of the lengthy and somewhat rambling platform adopted, and certainly he was sponsor for William Allen as the "rag-baby" or inflation candidate for the Presidency in

1876. Allen having carried Ohio by a few hundreds, less than a year previous, Ewing proposed that the Democratic National Convention, over two years ahead, should endorse him and adopt Greenbackism. After the election of this year he became fairly infatuated with the idea. Upon the currency, tariff and civil rights questions the resolutions adopted declared as follows-the numbers being given of the planks quoted:

2. A sound currency is indespensable to the welfare of a country; its volume should be regulated by the necessities of business; and all laws that interfere with such natural regulations are vicious in principle and detrimental in their effects. We are in favor of such an increase of the circulating medium as the business interests of the country may from time to time require.

3. Sound policy and justice require that not less than one half of the customs duties should be payable in the legal tender notes of the United States, commonly called greenbacks.

7. We are friendly to all the industries of the country, whether agricultural, mechanical or commercial, and believe that these industries thrive best when no unequal privilege is conferred by law upon one over the other. We are, therefore, opposed to the unjust and oppressive features of the existing tariff laws, and insist upon their repeal or modification so that a revenue tariff shall be substituted for them.

8. While we admit the equality of all persons before the law, we protest against the attempt that is being made by the Radicals in Congress to enforce social equality by unconstitutional pains and penalties; and we call the attention of the voters of Ohio to the fact that, although our Supreme Court unanimously decided that our statute, which provides for separate schools for white and colored children, is a Constitutional law, and that this decision is supported by recent judgments of the Supreme Court of the United States, yet the Civil Rights Bill, so-called, which passed the Senate at its last session, is now pending in the House of Representatives, and that this seeks to overthrow our statute, and, in disregard and defiance of it, to compel mixed schools in Ohio by the infliction of severe punishment and civil penalties upon all who resist that unconstitutional attempt.

The other planks in this wordy document declared in favor of "equal rights for

all;" condemned National banks; the "act of March 18, 1860, which pledged the faith of the Nation to the payment in coin of the Government bonds," and the exemption of those bonds from taxation; declared against Presidential third terms, excessive taxation and land grants; advocated the freedom of the press and liquor license laws; ending with an arraignment of the Republican party for numerous alleged sins of commission and. omission.

The ticket nominated was as follows: Secretary of State, William Lang, of Seneca County; Judge of the Supreme Court, William J. Gilmore, of Preble; Clerk of the Supreme Court, Arnold Green, of Cuyahoga; Commissioner of Common Schools, Charles S. Smart, of Pickaway; Member of the Board of Public Works, Martin Schilder, of Ross. On September 11th, the State Executive Committee completed the ticket by nominating George Rex, of Wayne, for the vacancy on the Supreme Bench caused by the resignation of Judge Walter F. Stone.

Charles C. Walcutt, Chairman of the State Executive Committee, called the Republican State Convention to order at eleven o'clock, Wednesday morning, September 2d, in the Opera House at Columbus. Rev. Robert G. Hutchins, of the First Con

gregational Church, opened the proceedings with prayer, making a special petition for wisdom in the formation of a platform. and referring particularly to the cause of temperance.

Charles Foster, of Seneca County, was introduced as Temporary Chairman, and after giving thanks for the honor conferred he made a pertinent address. He said in part:

We are met again as the representatives of the great Republican party of the greater State of Ohio, for the purpose of taking counsel together, as we did

through its earlier years of trial and triumph-the bloody years of war and carnage, and its later years of

reconstruction and reconciliation. We meet to deal with any new question that may have arisen and to perfect our organization by the selection of candidates that will be elected in October. After our almost uninterrupted control of the State for twenty years, our opponents last year obtained control of the Legislature, and also elected William Allen Governor of the State. We have no apology to make for the character of our acts in all that time; our opponents themselves testify to the fact that we have administered the affairs of the State wisely and well. We have already reduced our State debt and in a few years we hope it will be wiped out forever. Under our fostering care the benevolent and reformatory institutions have largely increased their capacity for the alleviation of suffering and crime, until they have become the pride of the people. So, too, in National affairs, the Republican party points with pride to its brilliant and glorious achievements, and it challenges the most rigid scrutiny of its record through the vicissitudes of both peace and war. By its efforts of self examination, its wise economy-shown both in the reduction of taxation and expenditures (the reduction this year amounting to more than twenty million dollars) it proves that it does not rely upon its past history for public favor, but retains the confidence of the people to deal with the present, and its unfaltering determination to administer the affairs of the Nation with integrity and economy. It shows its ability to deal with the present by promptly grappling with cheap transportation, instituting and inaugurating a system of scientific and practical inquiry, that will result in the enactment into law of measures which largely decrease the cost of transportation. The

Republican party stands pledged to carry out the

principles embodied in its three great Amendments to the United States Constitution, and their practical

application by the enactment and enforcement of such laws as will make every man in the Republic, let him live North or South, be he black or white, a freeman in fact as well as a freeman in name. The Republican party rejects with indignation any and all attempts at repudiation, in any degree whatever. The credit of the Nation must be kept inviolate. Let our opponents if they choose--and they have so chosen -indulge in the attempt to revive the corpse of Pendletonian repudiation; let them place the seal of condemnation on their great Senator because he dared to be honest; let him bow his neck to the yoke of repudiation if he will, but as for us and ours, we will honor the men who stand for honesty against repudiation. On an issue of this kind the people have spoken once, and their response will be equally emphatic again. Congress has