PRE

RESIDENT HAYES' last official communication to Congress was a message on March 3, 1881, returning with his veto a proposed law for Facilitating the Refunding of the Public Debt," and which contained a provision intended to seriously cripple if not to entirely destroy the National banking system.

Inauguration day, March 4, 1881, opened cold, with snow upon the ground, but before noon the air became much milder. The inaugural parade was of the most varied character, and formed the grandest sight ever seen in the city, with the exception of the famous review of 1865." In addition to the President and President-elect, Ohio was otherwise quite conspicuous in the procession with her various civic and military organizations. Probably this was the only occasion when a defeated candidate for the Presidency, not at the time holding the office, was ever present taking part in the proceedings in honor of his competitor. General Hancock was not only a participant in the parade as an officer in the army, but was also an interested spectator, witnessing the inauguration of both the President and Vice President and listening attentively to the address of the latter. Chief Justice Chief Justice Waite administered the oath of office to President Garfield, who immediately read his address, which was vociferously applauded." At its conclusion ex-President

Hayes shook hands with the new President, as did the Chief Justice, and then instantly. General Garfield turned to his aged mother, tenderly embracing and kissing her, and then as affectionately saluting his wife, an incident which attracted the attention and applause of the thousands of spectators. It has been well said that "The inauguration of a President of the United States is the grandest yet simplest, the most imposing but yet the most democratic event of which. the world has any knowledge." The chief ruler of the greatest nation in the universe resigns his power, lays aside the dignity of his office to resume his place in private life among his fellow citizens without a murmur because of the fact, or perhaps a wish that it might be otherwise. His successor, stepping out from the ranks of the common people, in one brief moment takes up the reins of authority and without any of the glittering trappings or gorgeous insignia of royalty, modestly but reverently assumes the sovereignty delegated him by his compatriots.

President Garfield's inaugural address was plain and sensible, and in the main satisfactory to all the people. Regarding the colored people, whose social and political status had been the cause of most of the agitation during the Administration of Presidents Grant and Hayes, he said:

"The elevation of the negro race from slavery to the full rights of citizenship is the most important political change we have known since the adoption of the Constitution in 1787," and, "no doubt this has caused serious disturbance to our Southern communi

ties. This is to be deplored, though it was, perhaps, unavoidable. But those who resisted the change should remember that under our institutions there was no middle ground for the negro between slavery and equal citizenship. There can be no permanent disfranchised peasantry in the United States. Freedom

fer no detriment which it may be possible for my Administration to prevent."

President Garfield's Cabinet was composed as follows: Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, of Maine; Secretary of the Treasury, William Windom, of Minnesota; Attorney General, Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania; Postmaster General, Thomas L.

law or its administration places the smallest obstacle in the pathway of any virtuous citizen." He then directed attention to the remarkable progress made by these citizens and promised, "so far as it lay within his power," to accord them the full and equal protection of the laws.

Regarding financial matters he declared: "By the experience of commercial nations in all ages, it has been found that gold and silver afford the only safe foundation for a monetary system. Confusion has recently been created by variations in the relative values of the two metals; but I confidently believe that arrangements can be made between the leading commercial nations which will secure the general use of both metals. Congress should provide that the compulsory coinage of silver, now required by law, may not disturb our monetary system by driving either metal out of circulation. If possible such an adjustment should be made that the purchasing power of every coined dollar will be exactly equal to its debtpaying power in all the markets of the world.

"The chief duty of the National Government is to coin money and declare its value. Grave doubts have been entertained whether Congress is authorized by the Constitution to make any form of paper money legal tender. The present issue of United States notes has been sustained by the necessities of war, but such paper should depend for its value and currency upon its convenience in use and its prompt redemption in coin at the will of the holder, and not upon its compulsory circulation. These notes are not money but promises to pay money. If the holders demand it the promise should be kept.

"The refunding of the National Debt at a lower rate of interest should be accomplished without compelling the withdrawal of the National bank notes and thus disturbing the business of the country. I venture to refer to the position I have occupied on financial questions during a long service in Congress, and to say that time and experience have strengthened the opinions I have so often expressed upon these subjects. The finances of the Government shall suf

terior, Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa; Secretary of War, Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, William H.

Hunt, of Louisiana.

He

The only trouble within the Republican organization at the beginning of the Administration, was that occasioned by two factions within the party in the State of New York, known as Stalwarts" and "Halfbreeds," between whom there was bitter dissension. The recognized leader of the former was Senator Roscoe Conkling, while William H. Robertson was at the head of the latter. This quarrel caused the President no little annoyance, as he did not desire to side with either, but he gave some consideration as to his duty in regard to the recognition of each in the distribution of official positions. was willing to do anything for the sake of harmony, except to yield his own independence in the matter of appointments; to give the Senators their share of patronage, but not to wholly ignore the other faction. made as many as twelve nominations of those selected by Mr. Conkling, but on March 23d sent in Robertson's name as Collector of the Port of New York. The Senator protested and then openly resisted his confirmation. Through "Senatorial courtesy" his Republican colleagues, on May 1st, agreed to permit all contested nominations to lie over until the following December. This was an unprecedented proceeding but a victory for

He

and resigned ony senate of pren ona promise On May Jira. Ca ent Robertson was confirmed by the Senate On jag fáth Warner M. er was chosen as M. Parts soccessor and on the 224 Elvidas 6. Lapham was chosen to succeed Mr Cork ng balloting having begin on May 3:st. This factional dispute was the cause of much newspaper comment and considerable agitation in political circles. The press reports indoubtedly had much to do with infam.ng the half-crazed brain of the assamin, Gaitea:

Aude from this nothing had marred the serenity of the Administration which the country had come to recognize as strong and efficient. On July 24. President Garfeid was starting upon a trip to New England to join his family, and anticipating especial pleasure in attending commencement at his alma mater, Williams College. While passing through the waiting room of the Baltimore & Potomac depot, at Washington, at nine o clock that morning, leaning on the arm of, and pleasantly chatting with, Mr. Blaine, he was shot by a crackbrained office-seeker. The assassin, Charles J Guiteau by name, fired twice, the first ball going through the President's coat sleeve, the second entering his back, fracturing a rib

and lodging deep in his body He was tenderly tamed back to the White House. A tere be bad the services of the highest medical skin the land and all the comErts care and conveniences possible but these only prolonged his life fortwelve weeks. ta fortude and theerfulness under utense sfering but adding to the general gnef of the people. On September 4th be was takes to Elberic, New Jersey, with the hope that the change would be beneficial. though the undertaking was known to be extremely hazardous He stood the trip better than was anticipated, and, for a time, seemed to rally under the inspiration of the pure scean breezes. but on September 13th symptoms of blood poisoning made their appearance. He lingered in intense agony from then until the roth, when, after a few hours of unconsciousness, be passed peacefilly away. On the 21st, a special train carried the body to Washington to be in state for two days in the rotunda of the Capitol The Enal services are said never to have been surpassed for sclemnity in Washington, except when James G. Blaine, on February 2, 1882, in the hall of the House of Representatives, delivered a memorial address in the presence of President Arthur, the two Houses of Congress, the heads of all the Departments of Government and the Diplomatic Corps. The long funeral train bearing the President's remains, which left Washington City on the night of the 23d, was never out of sight of mourning citizens, who stood with bared heads beside the railway tracks, whether at midnight, early morning, noon, or at setting sun, or whether in the country, village or city, to watch it pass and drop a tear of grief and sympathy. Execrations against the President's murderer were universal and