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Hell,” he has said: “They are morally worse instead of better than the moderates. Under very rare conditions their attitude may be right; and because it is thus right once in a hundred times they are apt to be blind to the harm they do in the other ninety-nine cases. These men need to realize above all things that healthy growth cannot come through revolution. Hysteria in any form is incompatible with sane and healthy endeavor.” There is no concession to wrong in this. It is simply the wisdom of a man who understands the world, and who knows that miracles have ceased. As even the Creator allots a hundred years to the maturity of an oak, so that man who would build higher the temple of his country's liberties must move by degrees; he must take advantage of available blessings, and gather the strength to be obtained from combat with foes. The religious life and example of Mr. Roosevelt seem above all things to be of that reasonable sort which makes men better; which tends to a higher type of statesmanship; which encourages a better officialdom; which makes American citizenship and Christian citizenship more nearly convertible terms,

CHAPTER IX.

CRUSADE FOR TELE MERIT SYSTEMI.

ROOSEVELT'S WORK IN THE NEW YORK LEGISLATURE BEARS FRUIT-APPOINTED CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSIONER BY PRESIDENT HARRISON – SHOWS GREAT PREPARATION FOR THE WORK-OFFENDS SPOILSMEN OF BOTH PARTIES-ABLY SUPPORTED IN THE SENATE AND HOUSE.

For several years after his defeat for the office of mayor of New York Mr. Roosevelt took no prominent part in politics. Not that he ever lost interest in the legislation of his city, State or country. His nature and education prohibited such a course. A man who should neglect to perform the duties of citizenship from any cause he held in less esteem even than the man who made a business of politics for the advancement of his own personal ends. There is no mistaking his utterances on this point. “It is unfortunately true,” he declares, “especially throughout New England and the Middle States, that the general tendency among people of culture and high edu

cation has been to neglect and even to look down upon the rougher and manlier virtues, so that an advanced state of intellectual development is too often associated with a certain effeminacy of character. Our more intellectual men often shrink from the raw coarseness and the eager struggle of political life as if they were women. Now, however refined and virtuous a man may be, he is yet entirely out of place in the American body politic unless he is himself of sufficiently coarse fiber and virile character to be more angered than hurt by an insult or injury; the timid good form a most useless as well as a most despicable portion of the community.” It is impossible to conceive that a man holding such sentiments would retire without good reason, even for a brief time, from the field in a war he had himself been largely instrumental in bringing about. And so we may well conclude that the period between 1886, when he made the mayoralty race, and 1889, when he was appointed by President Harrison a member of the Civil Service Commission, was employed by Mr. Roosevelt in the preparation of a plan that should put him on a fighting basis with those to whose methods he was unalterably opposed. The physical life of Mr. Roosevelt during those three years is a familiar story. Much of the time was spent on his ranch in the Bad Lands, where he rode, and hunted, and wrote graphic tales of his adventures—books on hunting, books on Western life, and books on Eastern cities. His literary style was both vigorous and pleasing. His books sold well and the magazines made great demand for his writings. The public liked his breeziness, his evident sincerity, his courage, and began to get an understanding of the man.

But Mr. Roosevelt had other things in mind than any of these with which the country is familiar. His service in the assembly had shown him the seamy side of politics. He had discovered that the people, careless on the one hand of their duties, and, on the other, too deeply immersed in trade, or too busy in a struggle for existence to guard their rights, were being swindled and robbed by the very men they had chosen to protect them. He saw their need of a champion who was not only strong, resolute and brave, but who was also homest, able and a patriot. Such a champion he determined to be, but the high purpose of his soul he concealed from every one. In solitude and alone the prophets of old had found wisdom. What three years in the wilderness did for Mr. Roosevelt is shown in his acts immediately following his return. He had gone away a young man full of enthusiasm for good government, strong in his convictions for right and justice, fearless and ready in combat, but with few weapons and no armor; a chivalrous knight, it is true, but a knight with bare hands and uncovered head, who was forced to storm a castle skilfully built for defence and occupied by a host of trained and cunning soldiers, serving under able, if unscrupulous generals. He came back with no lower ideals, with enthusiasm unabated, with the same deep-seated hatred of sham and hypocrisy, the same contempt for weakness and cowardice, but with a greatly broadened mind, extended wisdom, and with a knowledge of men that was at once sword, shield and castle. Hard study had fortified him with the fundamental facts of all government, and days and nights of contemplation in the deep forest and on the broad prairies had given him a vision as clear and rare as the air of the mountain peaks. He went away the colonel of a regiment of patriotic recruits; he came back the general of a trained army. Impetuosity had given place to strenuous purpose, and his adver

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