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without delay. But, sir, this interrogatory of the honorable member was only introductory to another. He proceeded to ask me, whether I had turned upon him, in this debate, from the consciousness that I should find an over-match if I ven. tured on a contest with his friend from Missouri. If, sir, the honorable member, ex gratia modestie, had chosen thus to defer to his friend, and to pay him a compliment, without inten. tional disparagement to others, it would have been quite according to the friendly courtesies of debate, and not at all ungrateful to my own feelings. I am not one of those, sir, who esteem any tribute of regard, whether light and occasional, or more serious and deliberate, which may be bestowed on others, as so much unjustly withholden from themselves. But the tone and manner of the gentleman's question, forbid me that I thus interpret it. I am not at liberty to consider it as nothing more than a civility to his friend. It had an air of taunt and disparagement, something of the loftiness of asserted superiority, which does not allow me to pass it over without notice. It was put as a question for me to answer, and so put as if it were difficult for me to answer, whether I deemed the member from Missouri an over-match for myself, in debate here. It seems to me, sir, that this is extraordinary language, and an extraordinary tone, for the discussions of this body.

Matches and over-matches! Those terms are more applicable elsewhere than here, and fitter for other assemblies than this. Sir, the gentleman seems to forget where and what we are. This is a Senate: a Senate of equals: of men of individual honor and personal character, and of ab. solute independence. We know no masters: we acknow. ledge no dictators. This is a hall for mutual consultation and discussion ; not an arena for the exhibition of champions. I offer myself, sir, as a match for no man; I throw the chal. lenge of debate at no man's feet. But then, sir, since the honorable member has put the question, in a manner that calls for an answer, I will give him an answer; and I tell him, that, holding inyself to be the humblest of the members here, I yet know nothing in the arm of his friend from Mis. souri, either alone, or when aided by the arm of his friend from South Carolina, that need deter, even me, from espous. ing what ever opinions I may choose to espouse, from debat. ing whenever I may choose to debate, or from speaking whatever I may see fit to say, on the floor of the Senate. Sir, when uttered as matter of commendation or compliment, I should dissent from nothing which the honorable member might say of his friend. Still less do I put forth any pretensions of my own. But, when put to me as matter of taunt, I throw it back, and say to the gentleman, that he could possibly say nothing less likely than such a comparison to wound my pride of personal character. The anger of its tone rescued the remark from intentional irony, which, other. wise, probably, would have been its general acceptation. But, sir, if it be imagined that by this mutual quotation and commendation; if it be supposed that, by casting the charac. ters of the drama, assigning to each his part: to one the attack; to another the cry of onset; or, if it be thought that by a loud and empty vaunt of anticipated victory, any laurels are to be won here; if it be imagined, especially, that any, or all these things, will shake any purpose of mine, I can tell the honorable member, once for all, that he is greatly mistaken, and that he is dealing with one of whose temper and character he has yet much to learn. Sir, I shall not al. low myself, on this occasion, I hope on no occasion, to be betrayed into any loss of temper; but if provoked, as I trust I never shall be, into crimination and recrimination, the ho. norable member may, perhaps, find, that, in that contest, there will be blows to take as well as blows to give ; that others can state comparisons as significant, at least, as his own, and that his impunity may, possibly, demand of him whatever powers of taunt and sarcasm he may possess. I commend him to a prudent husbandry of his resources.

LXXI.-TIE CONDUCT OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE KEVOLD.

TION.

Extract from Mr. Hayne's Speech, delivered in the Senate of the Uni

ted States, January 21, 1830.

Mr. President:THE honorable gentleman from Massa. chusetts, while he exonerates me personally from the charge, intimates that there is a party in the country who are looking

to disunion. Sir, if the gentleman had stopped there, the ac. cusation would “have passed by me as the idle wind which I regard not.” But, when he goes on to give to his accusation a local habitation and a name, by quoting the expression of a distinguished citizen of South Carolina,* “that it was time for the South to calculate the value of the Union,” it is im. possible to mistake either the allusion or the object of the gentleman. Now, Mr. President, I call upon every one who hears me to bear witness, that this controversy is not of my seeking. The Senate will do me the justice to remember, that at the time this unprovoked and uncalled for attack was made upon the South, not one word had been uttered by me in disparagement of New England, nor had I made the most distant allusion, either to the Senator from Massachusetts, or the State he represents. But, sir, that gentleman has thought proper, for purposes best known to himself, to strike the South through me, the most unworthy of her servants. He has crossed the border, he has invaded the State of South Carolina, is making war upon her citizens, and endeavoring to overthrow her principles and her institutions. Sir, when the gentleman provokes me to such a conflict, I meet him at the threshold. I will struggle while I have life, for our altars and our fire-sides, and if God gives me strengih, I will drive back the invader discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman provokes the war, he shall have war. Sir, I will not stop at the border, I will carry the war into the ene. my's territory, and not consent to lay down my arms, until I shall have obtained “indemnity for the past, and security for the future.” It is with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. President, that I enter upon the performance of this part of my duty. I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings and sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task has been forced upon me, and I proceed right onward to the performanca of my duty; be the consequences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have imposed upon me this necessity.

The Senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to cast the first stone, and if he shall find, according to a homely adage, “that he lives in a glass-house"-on his head be the conse

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quences. The gentleman has made a great flourish about his fidelity to Massachusetts. I shall make no professions of zeal for the interests and honor of South Carolina-of that my constituents shall judge. If there be one State in the Union, Mr. President, (and I say it not in a boastful spirit,). that may challenge comparison with any other for an uniform, zealous, ardent, and uncalculating devotion, to the Union, that State is South Carolina. Sir, from the very commencement of the Revolution, up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, how. ever great, she has not cheerfully made ; no service she has ever besitated to perform. She has adhered to you in your prosperity ; but in your adversity, she has clung to you with more than filial affection. No matter what was the condition of her domestic affairs, though deprived of her resources, di. vided by parties, or surrounded by difficulties, the call of the country has been to her as the voice of God. Domestic dis. cord ceased at the sound,--every man became at once recon. ciled to his brethren, and the sons of Carolina were all seen crowding together to the temple, bringing their gifts to the al. tar of their common country. What, sir, was the conduct of the South during the Revolution ? Sir, I honor New-En. gland for her conduct in that glorious struggle ; but great as is the praise which belongs to her, I think, at least, equal honor is due to the South. They espoused the quarrel of their brethren, with a generous zeal, which did not suffer them to stop to calculate their interests in the dispute. Favorites of the mother country, possessed of neither ships nor seamen to create commercial rivalship, they might have found in their situation a guaranty, that their trade would be for ever fos. tered and protected by Great Britain. But, trampling on all considerations, either of interest or safety, they rushed into the conflict, and, fighting for principle, perilled all, in the sa. cred cause of freedom. Never was there exhibited in the his. tory of the world higher examples of noble daring, dreadful suffering, and heroic endurance, than by the whigs of Caro. lina, during that Revolution. The whole State, from the mountains to the sea, was overrun by an overwhelming force of the enemy. The fruits of industry perished on the spot where they were produced, or were consumed by the foe. The “ plains of Carolina” drank up the most precious blood of her citizens! Black and smoking ruins marked the places

which had been the habitations of her children! Driven from their homes into the gloomy and almost impenetrable swamps, even there the spirit of liberty survived, and South Carolina (sustained by the example of her Sumpters and her Marions) proved, by her conduct, that though her soil might be overrun, the spirit of her people was invincible.

LXXII.-" CARRYING THE WAR INTO THE ENEMY'S COUNTRY."

Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech, in the Senate of the United

States, January 26, 1830.

Mr President,—The honorable gentleman, professing to be provoked, by what he chose to consider a charge made by me against South Carolina, has taken up a new crusade against New England. Leaving altogether the subject of the public lands, in which his success, perhaps, had been neither distin. guished nor satisfactory, and letting go, also, of the topic of the tariff, he sallied forth, in a general assault, on the opi. nions, politics, and parties of New England, as they have been exhibited in the last thirty years. This is natural. The “ narrow policy” of the public lands had proved a legal set. tlement in South Carolina, and was not to be removed. The “ accursed policy” of the Tariff, also, had established the fact of its birth and parentage in the same State. No wonder, therefore, the gentleman wished to carry the war, as he expressed it, into the enemy's country Prudently willing to quit these subjects, he was doubtless desirous of fastening on others, that which could not be transferred south of Mason and Dixon's line. The politics of New England became his theme; and it was in this part of his speech, I think, that he menaced me with such sore discomfiture. Discomfiture ! why, sir, when he attacks any thing which I maintain, and overthrows it ; when he turns the right or left of any position which I take up; when he drives me from any ground I choose to occupy, he may then talk of discomfiture, but not till that distant day. What has he done? Has he main. tained his own charges ? Has he proved what he alleged ? Has he sustained himself in his attack on the government,

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