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to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down. Meet, if you can, the appalling countenances of those who sent you here, and tell them that you shrank from the decla. ration of your own sentiments :—that you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehen. sion, some indefinable danger, drove you from your purpose : -that the spectres of scimitars, and crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you, and alarmed you :-and that you sup. pressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by liber. ty, by national independence, and by humanity. I cannot, sir, bring myself to believe that such will be the feelings of a majority of this committee. But, for myself, though every friend of the cause should desert it, and I be left to stand alone with the gentleman from Massachusetts, I will give to his resolution the poor sanction of my unqualified approbation.



Extract from the Speech of Henry Clay, on the Seminole War, deli

vered in the House of Representatives, January, 1819.

Mr. Chairman, I TRUST that I shall be indulged with some few reflections upon the danger of permitting the con. duct on which it has been my painful duty to animadvert, to pass without a solemn expression of the disapprobation of this House. Recall to your recollection, sir, the free nations which have gone before us. Where are they now ?

«Gone glimmering through the dream of things that were,
-- A school.boy's tale, the wonder of an hour."

And how have they lost their liberties? If we could transport ourselves back, sir, to the ages when Greece and Rome Aourished in their greatest prosperity, and, mingling in the throng, should ask a Grecian if he did not fear that some daring military chieftain, covered with glory, some Philip, or Alexauder, would, one day, overthrow the liberties of his country ? the confident and indignant Grecian would ex

claim, No! no! we have nothing to fear from our heroes ; our liberties will be eternal. If a Roman citizen had been asked, if he did not fear that the conqueror of Gaul might establish a throne upon the ruins of public liberty, he would have instantly repelled the unjust insinuation. Yet Greece has fallen; Cæsar has passed the Rubicon; and the pa. triotic arm even of Brutus could not preserve the liberties of his devoted country.

Sir, we are fighting a great moral battle for the benefit not only of our country, but of all mankind. The eyes of the whole world are in fixed attention upon us. One, and the largest portion of it, is gazing with jealousy and with envy ; the other portion with hope, with confidence, and with affec. tion. Every where the black cloud of legitimacy is suspended over the world, save only one bright spot, which breaks out from the political hemisphere of the west, to enlighten, and animate, and gladden the human heart. Obscure that, by the downfall of liberty here, and all mankind are enshrouded in a pall of universal darkness. Beware, then, sir, how you give a fatal sanction, in this infant period of our republic, to military insubordination. Remember that Greece had her Alexander, Rome her Cæsar, England her Cromwell, France her Bonaparte, and, that if we would escape the rock on which they split, we must avoid their errors.

I hope, sir, that gentlemen will deliberately survey the aw. ful isthmus on which we stand. They may bear down all oppo. sition. They may even vote the General* the public thanks. They may carry him triumphantly through this house. But if they do, sir, in my humble judgment, it will be a triumph of the principle of insubordination—a triumph of the military over the civil authority-a triumph over the powers of this House-a triumph over the constitution of the land. -And I pray, sir, most devoutly, that it may not prove, in its ulti. mate effects and consequences, a triumph over the liberties of the people.

* General Jackson.


Extract from the Speech of John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, upon the

Bill* for the admission of Missouri into the Union, delivered in the House of Representatives, February 9, 1820.

Mr. Chairman,- In the effort I have made to submit to the committee my views of this question, it has been impos. sible to escape entirely the influence of the sensation that pervades this House. The question is indeed an important one ; but its importance is derived altogether from its con. nexion with the extension, indefinitely, of negro slavery, over a land which I trust Providence has destined for the labor and the support of freemen. It concerns ages to come, and millions yet to be born. It is, as it were, a question of a new political creation, and it is for us, under heaven, to say, what shall be its condition. Once admit this state, sir, without the restriction, and the power ever to impose it is gone for ever, and with it are gone for ever all the efforts that have been made by the non-slave-holding states, to repress and limit the sphere of slavery, and enlarge and extend the blessings of freedom. With it, perhaps, is gone for ever, the power of preventing the traffic in slaves, that inhuman and detestable traffic, so long a disgrace to Christendom.

Consider, sir, what a foundation our predecessors have laid! And behold, with the blessing of Providence, how the work has prospered! What is there, in ancient or in modern times, that can be compared with the growth and prosperity of the states formed out of the Northwest Territory! When Europeans reproach us with our negro slavery, when they contrast our republican boast and pretensions with the exist. ence of this condition among us, we have our answer readyit is to you we owe this evil-you planted it here, and it has taken such root in the soil, we have not the power to eradi. cate it. Then turning to the West, and then directing their attention to Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, we can proudly tell

* The amendment to the bill was, “that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said state.” This question was one of long and 'animated discussion, and one which produced much sensation throughout the Union.

ihem, these are the offspring of our policy and our laws, these are the free productions of the constitution of the United States. But if, beyond this smiling region, they should descry another dark spot upon the face of the new creation“ another scene of negro slavery, established by ourselves, and spreading continually towards the further ocean, what shall we say then? No, sir, let us follow up the work our ancestors have begun. Let us give to the world a new pledge of our sincerity. Let the standard of freedom be planted in Missouri, by the hands of the constitution, and let its banner wave over the heads of none but freemen--men retaining the image impressed upon them by their Creator, and de. pendent upon none but God and the laws. Then, as our republican states extend, republican principles will go hand in hand with republican practice the love of liberty with the sense of justice. Then, sir, the dawn, beaming from the constitution, which now illuminates Ohio, Indiana, and Illi. nois, will spread with increasing brightness to the further West, till, in its brilliant lustre, the dark spot which now rests upon our country, shall be for ever hid from sight. Industry, arts, commerce, knowledge, will flourish with plenty and contentment for ages to come, and the loud chorus of uni. versal freedom will re-echo, from the Pacific to the Atlantic, the great truths of the declaration of independence.


From the Comedy of “Speed the Plough,” by Thomas Morton.

Sir Philip. Come hither. I believe you hold a farm of mine.

Ash. Ees, zur, I do, at your zarvice.

Sir Philip. I hope a profitable one. . Ash. Zometimes it be, zur. But thic year it be all t'other way, as 'twur ; but I do hope, as our landlords have a tightish big lump of the good, they'll be zo kind hearted as to take a little bit of the bad.

Sir Philip. It is but reasonable. I conclude, then, you are in my debt.

Ash. Ees, zur, I be; at your zarvice.
Sir Philip. How much ?

Ash. I do owe ye a hundred and fifty pounds; at your zarvice.

Sir Philip. Which you can't pay?
Ash. Not a varthing, zur, at your zarvice.

Sir Philip. Well, I am willing to allow you every indul. gence.

Ash. Be you, zur? that be deadly kind. 'Dear heart! it will make my auld dame quite young again, and I don't think helping a poor man will do your honor's health any harm; I don't indeed, zur. I had a thought of speaking to your worship about it; but then, thinks I, the gentleman mayhap be one of those that do like to do a good turn, and not have a word zaid about it : zo, zur, if you had not men. tioned what I owed you, I am zure I never should ; should not, indeed, zur.

Sir Philip. Nay, I will wholly acquit you of the debt, on condition

Ash. Ees, zur.

Sir Philip. On condition, I say, you instantly turn out that boy; that Henry.

Ash. Turn out Henry! Ha, ha, ha! Excuse my tittering, zur ; but you bees making your vun of I, zure.

Sir Philip. I am not apt to trifle; send him instantly from you, or take the consequences.

Ash. Turn out Henry! I do vow I shou’dn't know how to zet about it ; I should not, indeed, zur.

Sir Philip. You hear my determination. If you diso. bey, you know what will follow. I'll leave you to reflect on it. (Exit.)

Ash. Well, zur, I'll argufy the topic, and then you may wait upon me, and I'll tell ye. (Makes the motion of turning out.) I should be deadly awkward at it, vor zartain. How. ever, I'll put the case. Well! I goes whiztling whoam; noa, drabbit it! I shouldn't be able to whiztle a bit, I'm zure. Well! I goes whoam, and I zees Henry sitting by my wife, mixing up someit to comfort the wold zoul, and take away the pain of her rheumatics. Very well! Then Henry places a chair vor I by the vire side, and says— Varmer, the horses be fed, the sheep be folded, and you have nothing to

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