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do but to zit down, smoke your pipe, and be happy!" Very well! (Becomes affected.) Then I zays, “ Henry, you be poor and friendless, so you must turn out of my house di. rectly.” Very well! then my wife stares at I; reaches her hand towards the vireplace, and throws the poker at my head. Very well! then Henry gives a kind of aguish shake, and getting up, sighs from the bottom of his heart; then holding up his head like a king, zays, “Varmer, I have too long been a burden to you. Heaven protect you, as you have me. Farewell! I go.” Then I zays, “If thee doez I'll be smash’d.” (With great energy.) Hollo! you Mister Sir Philip! you may come in.
(Enter Sir Philip Blandford.) Zur, I have argufied the topic, and it wou’dn't be pretty; zo I can't.
Sir Philip. Can't !
Ash. No zur, I won't. I'd zee myself hanged first, and you too, zur ! I would indeed. (Bowing.)
Sir Philip. You refuse then to obey ?
Ash. I be zorry for that too. I be, indeed, zur ; but if corn wou'dn't grow I cou'dn't help it; it wer'n't poisoned by the hand that zowed it. Thic hand, zur, be as free from guilt as your own. 'Good morning to you. I do hope I have made myself agreeable ; and zo I'll go whoam. (Exeunt.
CLXXIX.-SPEECH OF GUSTAVUS VASA* TO HIS COUNTRYMEN.
From the Tragedy of “Gustavus Vasa,” by Henry Brooks.
YB men of Sweden, wherefore are ye come ?
* Gustavus Vasa was king of Sweden. His kingdom having bee: conquered by the Danes, in the early part of the 16th century, Gustavu was made prisoner, and was confined several years. At length h made his escape, and having prevailed upon the Delecarlians (a tribe o the Swedes) to throw off the Danish yoke, he put himself at their head
To drink the fountains of your honor up,
CLXXX. THE MORAL AND PHYSICAL POWERS OF A NATION
WEAKENED BY SLAVERY.
Extract from the Speech of Mr. Taylor, of New York, upon the Mis
souri question, delivered in the House of Representatives, January 27, 1820.*
· Mr. Chairman,-The bill on your table proposes no act of ordinary legislation. The admission of Missouri into the Union, without a restriction against slavery, is opposed by a majority of the states. These states, it is true, have parted with the power of legislating on the subject, but ought not their judgment and their wishes to be respected ?
The first truth, sir, declared by this nation, at the era of its independence, was, “ that all men are created equal; that they
* See note on p. 284. :
are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” Are we willing, sir, to pronounce this declaration, for the support of which the fathers of our revolution pledged their lives and fortunes, a flagrant falsehood! Was this declaration a solemn mockery? Did such men as Jefferson, Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and Livingston, proclaim to the world, as self. evideot truth, doctrines they did not believe? Did they lay the foundations of this infant republic in fraud and hypocri. sy? The supposition is incredible. These men composed the committee which reported the declaration of independ. ence. The sentiments of their cbairman have also been pro. claimed in his “Notes on Virginia.” His denunciation of slavery is there expressed in language too distinct to be mis. understood. Its injustice is portrayed in glowing colors, and its evils described with irresistible eloquence. While books are read, or truth revered, his sentiments on this sub. ject will insure to their author unfading honor.
The ordinance of 1787, sir, was passed by the unanimous vote of all the states. That ordinance is an imperishable monument of glory and renown to its framers. They sacri. ficed prejudice on the altar of their country. Avarice found no place in their bosoms. Disinterested and inagnanimous were their acts, and the blessings of posterity will embalm their memories. Their names will be engraven on columns of marble, and preserved in the legislative hall of every state northwest of the Ohio. No American statesman was then found hardy enough to maintain the anti-republican doctrine, that man cannot be free without possessing the power to en. slave his fellow man.
Sir, the strength of this nation chiefly consists in its moral power. The foundation of this is laid in the intelligence and virtue of the people. A wise administration will always, and especially in perilous times, receive the support of such a people. As difficulties thicken, and dangers threaten, they will put forth their strength. Being capable of understanding the necessity of great sacrifices, they will make them with cheerfulness, and will march to victory. But this mo. ral power of a nation does not consist solely, nor chiefly in the distinguished science of her favored sons—the rich and noble few-but in the information and integrity of her yeo. manry, her farmers, her mechanics, her laborers. These, in a government like ours, possess as well the moral power, as the bone and sinew of the country. If a large portion of these be slaves, that power is not only impaired, but physical debility occupies its place.
We are bound, sir, by oath, to support the Constitution : the United States. The duty imposed is to uphold, not i impair and weaken it. Our obligation is as solemn to main. tain the powers confided to this government, as to forbear the exercise of those which belong to others. The amend. ment, sir, opposes no state right. Gentlemen require us to admit that Missouri is a state, and then demonstrate, quite clearly, that we ought not to interfere with her municipal regu. lations. That Missouri, at some period, will become a state in the Union, I have no doubt; but that she ever will be admitted by an American Congress without recognising “the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty," I cannot believe. Possessing, as we do, both the moral and constitutional right to require of Missouri a provision against slavery, as a condition of her admission,-if we fail to exert it, we shall justly incur the reproach of our contemporaries, and the malediction of posterity,
CLXXXI.--MR. GRATTAN'S REPLY TO MR. CORRY, CHANCELLOR
OF THE EXCHEQUER.
Mr. Speaker,-Has the gentleman done? Has he com. pletely done? He was unparliamentary from the beginning to the end of his speech. There was scarce a word he uttered that was not a violation of the privileges of the House. But I did not call him to order—why? because the limited talents of some men render it impossible for them to be severe without being unparliamentary. But, before I sit down, I shall show him how to be severe and parliamentary at the same time. On any other occasion, I should think myself justifiable in treating with silent contempt any thing which might fall from that honorable member ; but there are times when the insignificance of the accuser is lost in the magnitude of the accusation. I know the difficulty the honorable gentle. man labored under when he attacked me, conscious that, on a comparative view of our characters, public and private, there is nothing he could say which would injure me. The public would not believe the charge. I despise the falsehood. If such a charge were made by an honest man, I would answer it in the manner I shall do before I sit down. But I shall first reply to it, when not made by an honest man.
The right honorable gentleman has called me "an un. impeached traitor.” I ask, why not “traitor,” unqualified by any epithet? I will tell him; it was because he durst not. It was the act of a coward, who raises his arm to strike, but has not courage to give the blow. I will not call him villain, because it would be unparliamentary, and he is a privy counsellor. I will not call him fool, because he hap. pens to be Chancellor of the Exchequer. But I say he is one who has abused the privilege of Parliament and freedom of debate, by uttering language, which, if spoken out of the House, I should answer only with a blow. I care not how high his situation, how low his character, how contemp. tible his speech, whether a privy counsellor or a parasite, my answer would be a blow. He has charged me with being connected with the rebels; the charge is utterly, totally, and meanly false.
The right honorable member has also told me I desert. ed a profession where wealth and station were the reward of industry and talent. If I mistake not, that gentleman en. deavored to obtain those rewaads by the same means; but he soon deserted the occupation of a barrister for those of a parasite and pander. He fled from the labor of study to flatter at the table of the great. He found, the lords' parlor a better sphere for his exertions than the hall of the four courts ; the house of a great man a more convenient way to power and to place; and that it was easier for a statesman of middling talents to sell his friends, than a lawyer of no talents to sell his clients.
The right honorable gentleman says I fled from the coun. try after exciting rebellion ; and that I have returned to raise another. No such thing. The charge is false. The civil war had not commenced when I left the kingdom ; and I could not have returned without taking a part. On the one side, there was the camp of the rebel ; on the other, the camp