THE ETHICS OF THE PANAMA QUESTION.

On the 3d of November 1903 the people of Panama revolted against the Government of Columbia, and proclaimed their independence. On the 13th of November the United States recognized the independence of the Republic of Panama, by receiving a Minister from the new Government, and at the opening of the regular session of Congress in December, the President asked the consent of the Senate to a treaty negotiated between our Secretary of State, Mr. Hay, and the Minister of Panama, Mr. Varilla, providing for the construction by the United States of a ship canal across the Isthmus, to be kept by us open neutral and free upon equal terms for the use of all mankind. After long and exhaustive discussion that treaty is about to be confirmed. In the meantime, the Senate by a great majority has approved the recognition of independence by confirming the nomination of William I. Buchanan as Minister from the United States to Panama. The revolutionary leaders have submitted their action to the people of Panama, who have, by a popular vote, given it their unanimous approval, and have elected a constitutional convention, framed and adopted a constitution, chosen a president and congress, and established a republican government according to the forms which find their model in the constitutions of our own Country. In the meantime, also, many other governments have followed the United States in receiving the new republic into the family of Nations. On the 18th of November, five days

after our recognition, France recognized the Republic of Panama; on the 22nd China; on the 27th Austria; on the 30th Germany; and following them Denmark, Russia, Sweden and Norway, Belgium, Nicaragua, Peru, Cuba, Great Britain, Italy, Switzerland, Costa Rica, Japan, Guatemala, Netherlands, Venezuela, Portugal, in the order named.

The independence of Panama, the grant to the United States of the right to construct the canal across the Isthmus, and the assumption by the United States of the duty to construct the canal and to maintain it for the equal benefit of mankind, are accomplished facts. Nothing can do away with them, unless it be some future war of conquest waged againt the liberties of Panama, and at the same time against the rights of the United States held in trust for the commerce of the world.

The conduct of the United States Government in recognizing the independence of Panama, in making the treaty, and in exercising police power over territory traversed by the Panama Railroad and the partly constructed canal, during the period the revolution, has been severely criticised by some of our own citizens, who have said, in substance, that in this business our Government has violated the rules of International Law, has been grasping and unfair, and has, by the exercise of brute force, trampled down the rights of a weaker nation, in violation of those principles of justice which should control the conduct of Nations as of men.

In considering these charges, we may well thrust aside as carrying no weight of authority, the expressions of those who, while they condemn the conduct of our Government, are in favor of the treaty. They curiously reverse the Divine rule, and seem to hate the

sinner while they love the sin; and their adverse criticism may fairly be ascribed to the exigencies of the pending presidential campaign. Some of them may be sincere, but upon that question they naturally invite the comment made upon Lady Macbeth, that "she might be a lady, but she did not show it by her conduct".

We need not pay very much heed, either, to that class of tempermental and perennial fault-finders whom we have and always will have with us, as an incident of free institutions, who are against every government of which they do not personally form a part, and in whose eyes everything done by others is wrong. This class of our citizens, with slight changes in personnel, would have condemned any course of conduct by our Government, whatever it was, and their condemnation of the particular course followed, merely announces their existence.

Nevertheless, there remain good and sincere men and women who have thought our course to be wrong, and many others, whose character and patriotism entitle them to the highest respect, are troubled in spirit. They would be glad to be sure that our Country is not justly chargeable with dishonorable conduct. May the time never come when such men and women are wanting, or are constrained to remain silent, in America! May the time never come when the conscience of America shall cease to apply the rules of upright conduct to national, as well as to personal life! when our governments feel absolved from the obligation to answer in that forum for conformity to the rules of right, or when material advantage shall be held to excuse injustice! For, if such a time ever does come, the beginning of the end of our free institutions will have come also.