The Monroe Doctrine: An InterpretationLittle, Brown,, 1916 - 445 pages |
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affairs Ameri American Doctrine American powers annexation arbitration Argentine Asia Blaine boundary Brazil Britain British Buenos Ayres Canal Chile China civil claims Clayton-Bulwer Treaty coast Colombia commercial Congress controversy Cuba Cuban danger declaration defense diplomacy diplomatic Drago Doctrine Empire England Europe European powers favor force foreign France French German hemisphere Holy Alliance Honduras independent influence interest interfere international law intervention islands Isthmus John Quincy Adams joint Latin Latin-American Latin-American powers ment Mexican Mexico military minister Monroe Doctrine Monroe's Mosquito Coast nations naval neighbors neutrality never Nicaragua North ocean Olney Pacific Pan-American Pan-American Congress Panama party peace pean political system Polk Porto Rico possession present President principle protection protectorate question recognized relations Republic revolution Roosevelt route Russia Santo Domingo Secretary secure Senate Seward ships South America Spain Spaniards Spanish Empire statesmen territory tion trade trine union United Venezuela West Indies
Popular passages
Page 15 - If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice shall counsel.
Page 322 - Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.
Page 71 - With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments.
Page 128 - Canal ; agreeing that neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same, or in the vicinity thereof, or occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any part of Central America...
Page 213 - That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
Page 207 - To-day the United States is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition.
Page 72 - ... is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its Powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us ; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy ; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every Power, submitting to injuries from none.
Page 72 - To what extent such interposition may be carried on the same principle is a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States.
Page 16 - ... infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Page 288 - President to be quite willing to declare, as the sense of the Government of the United States, that the Government of the Sandwich Islands ought to be respected ; that no Power ought either to take possession of the islands as a conquest, or for the purpose of colonization ; and that no Power ought to seek for any undue control over the existing government, or any exclusive privileges or preferences with it in matters of commerce.