solidate Bolshevist resistance and to prolong civil war. In supporting Yudenitch, Kolchak and Denikin, all three of whom in the eyes of the Russian masses, were apostles of reaction and monarchism, the Entente simply strengthened the opposition. Rather than eat bread with a Protopopoff or receive salt from the hands of a Pobêdonostsev, the peasantry, proletariat and even the bourgeoise chose to rally round the standard of Lenine. If the world has learned any lesson from the failure of the Allied program let us hope that it is that so aptly expressed in the noble words of General Smuts:

Russia can only be saved internally by Russians themselves, working on Russian methods and ideas. Our military forces, our lavish contributions of tanks, and other war material may temporarily bolster up the one side, but the real magnitude of the problem is quite beyond such expedients. It may well be that the only ultimate hope for Russia is a sobered, purified, Soviet system and that may be far better than the tsarism to which our present policy seems inevitably tending.

SOME THOUGHTS ON THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE JAPANESE PEOPLE

PART VI. THE CONSTITUTION AND RECENT TENDENCIES By David S. Spencer, D.D., Nagoya, Japan

I. PREPARING THE WAY FOR THE CONSTITUTION

"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union," says the opening of the Constitution under which we are shielded.

"The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of emperors unbroken for ages eternal," are the words with which the constitution of Japan greets us. Each in its opening expression breathes the spirit of the nation in which it was born. In the first the central theme is the people, human liberty, democracy; in the second, the ruler, an imperial house, autocracy. The thought of the first is to perpetuate a nation of free people; that of the second, to perpetuate a throne, a ruling house. The one takes a far view of real national interests; in the other, the people are nowhere in sight. In America, national stability resides in a strong people. In the Rising Sun Kingdom, a strong people was to be feared, and national stability secured through making strong the imperial house.

The constitution of Japan can be properly understood only when we study its genesis and the underlying causes for its provisions. We thus find that racial characteristics, insular setting, feudalistic and family influences abound.

How did this constitution, an interesting document in itself, ever come into existence? This is the way it happened: Before the coming of Commodore Perry, some of Japan's brightest men, a few only of her millions, had begun to study the development of nations, and saw that the people of Japan were being neglected that they were not being given voice in any public matters. Such men as Kido, Okubo,

Okuma, and Itagaki began to petition the government for the granting of a constitution and houses of parliament, that is, for the political machinery by which to develop the people. It was the idea of these bright minds that no nation can be stronger than are the people who make up the nation. A list of these intrepid spirits is found in Part V.1 Some of these men accompanied the Prince Iwakura mission to America in 1871. On June 20, 1875, the first deliberative assembly was opened in Tokyo. On September 6, 1876, Prince Arisugawa announced that the genro-on, a body of chief advisors to the crown, had been ordered to prepare a constitution, but the breaking out of the Satsuma rebellion in January, 1877, put a stop for the time to all such wider political plans. Nothing daunted, Okuma, on May 14, 1877, presented a petition through Kataoka to the emperor at Kyoto asking for the installation of constititional institutions. The murder of Okubo, May 14, 1878, because it was mistakenly thought that he hindered the advance of measures for the uplift of the people, convinced the leaders that reforms must be hastened. This led to the sending of Ito to America and Europe in February, 1882, to study constitutional government. This he did, making somewhat wide investigation, but spending the greater portion of his time in Prussia, and returning in August the next year. The promise of a national assembly had been made by the emperor, October 12, 1881, and now attention was riveted to the drafting of a constitution. It was this imperial promise of coming parliamentary institutions which did much to console the people and lead to good results. As a preparatory step in this direction, a new order of nobility was created July 7, 1884, out of whom the house of peers was formed. Japanese writers often seem to take pleasure in the fiction that the Japanese constitution is an unsought gift of their emperor; and a pure fiction it is; for the pages of history reveal many a sigh and hope in the form of a petition for the erecting of constitutional machinery in Japan. Such were the petitions of Saigo,

1 Spencer, D. S., Political Parties and Tendencies.

Itagaki and Soejima in 1873; Itagaki in 1877; the Aikokusha or Loyalty to the Country Association, producing a paper with 100,000 signatures; and the petition of Mr. Tōru Hoshi.2

II. CONTRIBUTING INFLUENCES FROM ABROAD

Not all the influences making for government by law came from Japanese environment. Just how much influence Prince Bismarck had over Ito in the writings of the constitution may be a matter of opinion; but there is on record an incident which, I think, has never been given proper publicity, and which may properly find place here. When General Grant's term of office as President had expired, he made a tour around the world, accompanied by Mrs. Grant, and several important friends, among whom was Mr. John Russell Young, of the American News Company. On arriving in Japan, an audience with the emperor was arranged for the General, and of this and other interviews it may be well to let Mr. Young tell his own story:

NOTES ON THE VISIT OF GENERAL GRANT TO TOKYO, 1879

The General was given residence in the Hama detached palace, or in Chinese the "Enryokwan" (Palace for receiving guests from afar.) The Japanese very kindly "arranged that at two o'clock on the afternoon of the Fourth of July the audience with the Emperor should take place." (This sort of delicate and thoughtful courtesy is genuinely Japanese.) General Grant was accompanied by Rear Admiral Patterson, Pay Inspector Thornton, and Lieutenant Davenport, Captain Benham of the Richmond, Captain Fitzhugh of the Monongahela, Commander Johnson of the Ashuelot, Lieutenant Springer and Lieutenant Kellogg, Judge John A. Bingham, American Minister, and Mr. John Russell Young; Mrs. Grant was also present. ("Around the World with General Grant," pp. 523–4.)

"In this palace took place a long personal interview between General Grant and the Emperor. The Emperor sent word to General Grant that he desired to see him informally, and the General answered that he was entirely at the pleasure of His Majesty. Many little courtesies had been exchanged between the Emperor and Mrs. Grant, and the Emperor and his ministers kept a constant watch over the General's comfort. The day

2 Uyehara, as above pp. 84, 86, 87; Herald of Asia, November 17, 1917.

fixed for the Imperial interview was unusually warm. past two in the afternoon (August 10th, according to Viscount Kaneko) as we were sitting on the verandah, a messenger came to say that His Majesty had arrived, and was awaiting the General in the little summer house on the banks of the lake, which I have described. The General, accompanied by Colonel Grant, Prince Date, Mr. Yoshida, and the writer, left the palace and proceeded to the summer house. We passed under the trees and toward the bridge. We crossed the bridge and entered the summer house. Preparations had been made for the Emperor, but they were very simple. Porcelain flower pots, with flowers and ferns and shrubbery, were scattered about the room. One or two screens had been introduced. In the center of the room stood a table with chairs around it. Behind one of the screens was another table, near the window which looked into the lake. As the General entered, the Prime Minister (Prince Sanjo) and the Minister of the Imperial Household (Marquis Tokudaiji), advanced and welcomed him. Then, after a pause, we passed behind the screen, and were in the presence of the Emperor. His Majesty was standing before the table in undress uniform, wearing only the ribbon of a Japanese order. General Grant advanced, and the Emperor shook hands with him. To the rest of the party he simply bowed. Mr. Yoshida, (Mr. Kiyonari Yoshida, Japanese Minister to the United States then on leave of absence) acted as interpreter. The Emperor said: "I have heard of many of the things you have said to my Ministers in reference to Japan. You have seen the country and the people. I am anxious to speak with you on these subjects, and am sorry I have not had an opportunity earlier."

General Grant said he was entirely at the service of the Emperor, and was glad indeed to see him and thank His Majesty for all the kindness he had received in Japan. He might say that no one outside of Japan had a higher interest in the country or a more sincere friendship for its people.

A question was asked which brought up the subject-now paramount in political discussions in Japan-the granting of an Assembly and legislative functions to the people.

General Grant said that this question seemed to be the only one about which there was much feeling in Japan; the only one he had observed. It was a question to be considered with great care. No one could doubt that governments became stronger and nations more prosperous as they became representative of the people. This was also true of monarchies, and no monarchs were as strong as those who depended upon a parliament. No one could doubt that a legislative system would be an advantage to Japan, but the question of when and how to grant it would require careful consideration. That needed a clearer knowledge of the country than he had time to acquire. It should be remembered that rights of this kind:-rights of suffrage and representation once given could not be withdrawn. They should