The electorate needs educating. They are a good and able people, and will respond at once to constructive leadership. The imperial house in Japan need never fear for its safety, if it will only take the people fully and honestly into its political confidence as the great Meiji Tennō evidently intended.

5. The abolition of secret methods of conducting both national and international affairs. The curse of Japan is official secrecy. This is essentially a feudalistic method, and is doing Japan great injury. It has rendered her people abnormally suspicious, both of each other, of the government and of other peoples. Much of what is most valuable in citizenship a knowledge of the governments' plans and sympathy with them-is wanting in Japan, and loyalty is a blind impulse, and hence capable of being turned against the very government to which it is thought to be most loyally devoted. An open and frank treatment of the people of Japan and of foreign peoples and governments by the officials of the Japanese Empire would raise the standing of Japan at home and abroad.80

The six articles, of which this is the closing, must have made it clear to the American reader that racial peculiarities, insular position, family institutional life and feudalistic training have constantly influenced the political development of this most interesting Japanese people. The retaining of what is best in their past, the enlisting of the people in their new life, and the purifying of the political stream generally is their great task.

30 Japan Evangelist, July, 1917.

NOTES AND REVIEWS

The League of Nations: Principle and the Practice. Edited by STEPHEN PIERCE DUGGAN. Boston, The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1919. 359 pp.

The purpose of this book is to contribute "to an understanding of the most important problem that confronts mankind at the present time." It is intended for two classes of readers: "intelligent laymen seeking a general exposition of the subject, and students seeking a textbook on the subject." Its language is lucid, simple and untechnical. Although sixteen American scholars of recognized authority in the fields of law and government, history and economics have cooperated with the editor, Dr. Duggan, as collaborators in the exposition, there is a logical unity and sequence running throughout the work. With so many skilled marksmen shooting at the same target, some duplication is expected, but it is not enough to cause adverse comment. The first series of papers, eight in number and including 160 pages deal with the history, philosophy and organization of a league of nations. The second part of the work devotes 112 pages to a discussion of international cooperation as illustrated by concrete problems. The third part in 34 pages considers the relation of the United States to a league of nations. Six handy appendices give Abbé Saint-Pierre's famous five "Articles" for "Preserving the Peace of Europe" (1713); the preliminary articles of Kant's Perpetual Peace" (1795); The Holy Alliance (1815); The Monroe Doctrine (1823); the "Provisions for a Permanent Court of Arbitration" of the Hague Conventions (1899 and 1907); and the Covenant of the League of Nations (1919). Finally an excellent bibliography, helpful rather than exhaustive, with comments of value, conclude the volume. An index would have added to the usefulness of the work.

Professor Duggan writes the first chapter, which is modestly called an "Introduction," but which sets forth the problem in a stimulating manner. The political organization of the world in 1914 is portrayed briefly but clearly. The reaction of the people of the United States to the World War and their insistence upon a form of world organization that will prevent its recurrence is

stressed, and followed by a brief analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations as a means of solving the mighty problems incident to the conflicts and disorders of the world under the national imperialistic regime. This clear-cut discussion compels thought and makes one wish that the editor had devoted an entire chapter to the amplification and further illustration of the five points dealing with world conditions-economic, social and cultural as well as political-prior to the outbreak of the war.

With a masterful survey of world conditions from the days of Greece and Rome down to the year of the Lord's disgrace in 1919 Professor Hayes points out those forces that strove for a better world and finally culminated in the League of Nations. Special emphasis is laid on the developments after the American and French Revolutions, such as the Industrial Revolution, international congresses, alliances, the democratic and nationalistic movements, socialism, the Pan-American Union and the Hague Peace Conferences, which supply the historical background for the League of Nations. Particular reference is made to the experiment in the American Federal Constitution. While brief mention is made of the reasons for the failure of previous devices for maintaining peace, one wishes that these forces had been more fully elaborated. In a chapter all too brief Professor Moore indicates the essentials of a league of peace, and explains in a judicial manner the difficulties. He does not undervalue international conferences, arbitration, mediation, the limitation of armaments and other agencies, but insists that back of all of these, in last analysis, we must "rely upon the cultivation of a mental attitude which will lead men to think first of amicable processes rather than of war, when differences arise," get rid of prevalent notions about the state, and shake off the delusion that our own motives are always higher, purer and more disinterested than those of others.

In discussing the League of Nations in respect to the national state, Professor Rogers holds that internationalism must be founded on nationalism. To him it seems an anomaly that the number of small states should be increased while an effort to organize a League of Nations as the stable basis for world federation is being made. He fears that the multiplication of small states will open opportunities for insidious economic exploitation. The orthodox definition of sovereignty is accepted, but it is pointed out that the League of Nations is only a treaty and hence will limit the state's sovereignty only in the sense that all treaties do. He argues that the new order must come through the reconstruc

tion of the national state. National egotism must be abandoned; morals must guide politics; generosity must replace selfishness; and competition must give way to coöperation.

President Lowell writes an illuminating chapter on the organization and operation of the League of Nations. Assuming that the supreme function of the League is to prevent war, he explains that this will be accomplished by removing the causes of war and by forcing the submission of disputes to arbitration through adequate penalties such as economical boycot and the use of military force. The organs of a League of Nations-judicial, mediatory, advisory and deliberative-are presented with a clarity and authority that carry conviction. President Lowell does not contend that the present Covenant is ideal, but he does regard it as a step-perhaps the only one possible now-towards the ideal. "The future" he says, "can be trusted to take care of itself, if we do the right thing now." A League of Nations, Professor Ogg explains, must rest upon international sanctions or authority, and that authority may be either public opinion, or economic boycot, or armed force. The various projects for international organization-such as that of the Fabian Society, General Smuts, the French, the German, the League to Enforce Peace and the League of Free Nations— are reviewed and compared with the League of Nations. The various plans for the limitation of armaments are likewise considered without the advocacy of any particular scheme. Professor Sayre has a most informing chapter on the gradual growth of international administrative control of world affairs. He believes that former leagues have failed because of a lack of adequate administrative machinery. One is surprised to learn how many official international Unions, Institutes and Commissions already exist in successful operation, and indicate that we are moving irresistably towards world organization.

One of the most constructive chapters in this meaty volume is the chapter in which Professor Barnes reviews the significance of nationality as a force in Modern History. He shows how, fired by the French Revolution, it sought to conquer the world and won the support of Liberals everywhere. It unified Italy, Germany and the Balkan state. It led to national imperialism and transformed Europe into a gigantic military camp. It was largely responsible for the outbreak of the world-war. The desire to protect the independence of small states like Servia and Belgium and to secure the freedom of submerged nationalities like the Poles, the Czecks and the Jugoslavs was set forth as one of the

important war aims of the Allies. There can be no lasting world peace until some satisfactory compromise is made between the principle of national self-determination and a stable world-organization. In a brief but discriminating explanation of nationality, Professor Barnes shows himself in accord with Alfred E. Zimmern in regarding nationality as "a cultural or psychological force or principle," and not a political concept. A nation is the group held together by nationality. When the group organizes politically it becomes the national state. Nationalism was not only one of the greatest factors in the armed conflict but also in the gigantic task of reconstruction. There will be no peace with victory until the principle of national self-determination has been established. This cannot be accomplished without an effective League of Nations.

Mr. Glenn Frank in a logically argued thesis contends that a purely political league of Nations to adjust ugly disputes after they arise between states, is not adequate to save the world from war. Political internationalism must be supplemented by economic internationalism, just as political democracy must be safeguarded by economic democracy. Hostile tariffs must give way to the open door policy. Economic opportunities the world over must be internationalized. Most modern wars have been predominantly economic in motive. Hence the "most finely conceived league of nations will utterly fail unless a constructive attempt at economic internationalism is made." A new political order predicates a new economic order. Mr. Frank hopes that the League of Nations by setting up instruments and methods of international counsel may "expose the fallacy of substituting a war of tariffs for a war of trenches."

The problem of backward areas and of colonies, as economic and political factors in blocking the road to peace, is clearly shown by Professor Borchard-The solution of this knotty world question is recognized as difficult, but not hopeless. The way out is through international commissions to apportion raw materials, to regulate prices; to prevent exploiting syndicates; and to internationalize stockownership justly distributed among the various nationalsall under the League of Nations. In like manner Mr. Chamberlain contends that international waterways, railways, highways and ports, as well as such conveniences as mail, cables and the telegraph should be brought under the control of international commissions. In urging the "complete international control of the sea and its approaches" under an international tribunal, Professor