promote the spiritual and moral side of life by making the struggle for existence less oppressive and submerging.

Nor does the American principle of adequate protection check foreign trade. America's foreign trade grew steadily between 1897 and 1912 under a continuous and adequate protection. Foreign trade between 1914 and 1919 was abnormal, due to the world war. Its decline since 1919-1920 was due to readjustment and deflation; yet the volume of our foreign commerce is at the pre-war level approximately.

It must not be forgotten that a nation's economic and industrial level is determined, not by what it sells in foreign markets, but by what it consumes at home. In other words, the consuming power of our own people measures their material and consequently their spiritual and moral level. The broader the field of competition and the larger the number of competitive units, the lower will be the tendency of domestic living conditions. This is the essence of national protection; and our economic problems should be approached by that avenue and measured by that standard.

These opposing views constitute what might be called the point of divergence in Congress and among economic groups. Manifestly they indicate an approaching struggle which may determine the direction of American economic thought and action for many years. In this struggle is involved the whole problem of tariff and economic legislation. While the details may be intricate and puzzling, often leading to confusion of thought, the underlying principles are clear and unmistakable.

The problem of unemployment, of taxes, of budgets and economy, are wrapped up in one tremendous problem of national welfare. How to attain the largest degree of national welfare is a matter of difference of opinion

altogether too often; yet the desire to reach that goal is the aspiration of every public official who ever sat beneath the dome of the capital or felt the inspiration of great souls still living within the halls of legislation. Statesmen of today, leaders of public thought, can commune with these great souls only by lifting their eyes unto the hills. It can be done; it is entirely practical and will bring desirable results.

What we call the American standard of living cannot be weighed in common scales or measured by an ordinary yard-stick; it is a part of life itself and manifests itself in human happiness, contentment, satisfaction and growth of soul. If these spiritual attributes are absent or submerged, there will be no American standard of living. The whole plan and structure of our scheme of government is to promote the general welfare; and the general welfare means a moral and spiritual level making life more worth while. True Americans acquire the habit of lifting their eyes unto the hills. The American spirit lives in the atmosphere of lofty aspirations. It is America's hope.

THE

CHAPTER VII

VERSAILLES AND INTERNATIONALISM

HE Treaty of Versailles was an invitation to abandon nationalism and enter into the dangerous field of internationalism. It was fortunate that the United States rejected that invitation and made a separate peace with Germany and Austria. Every outstanding event of magnitude has demonstrated the economic and political folly of Versailles, and the wisdom of Washington-Berlin. The economic consequences of Versailles constitute the riddle and puzzle of Europe; its political perils and almost insurmountable obstacles. After struggling with the problem of reparation; after admitting the harsh and impossible terms of Versailles, the statesmen of Europe met at Genoa to readjust Europe and correct the blunders of 1919. It dawned upon the leaders of Europe that human nature had not changed much since its baptism of fire and blood, that human selfishness submerged brotherly love and European peace, that no mere formula or treaty or stipulation would effect a cure so long as men and nations groveled in the mire of political and economic selfishness, and refused to lift their eyes unto the hills.

America rejected the Versailles Treaty primarily because its covenant was an indirect surrender of nationalism and sovereignty. The struggle over the International League was one of the most dramatic episodes in American history. The result was, to the majority, a second declaration of independence. The political perils involved in the proposed

experiment have been re-inforced in every European conference held since at Paris, at Cannes and at Genoa. All of these conferences were economic ostensibly; but economics were submerged in politics. Politics wrecked the Genoa Conference, or at least robbed it of practical results. As a well known observer says, the Genoa Conference was a clinic and not a remedy or cure. Europe can not restore economic safety until politics are eliminated or subordinated. The trouble is not "too much nationalism” but too much personal glorification on the part of many of the leaders. The doctors at this European clinic had their eyes on the voters and re-election, not on the patient or the symptoms.

This is the trouble with too many of our own public servants and officials. The truth is that Europe, with its memories of wars and shifting boundaries and personal ambitions, can not think or act in any terms but hate and jealousy. That is not due to an excess of, but rather a lack of, genuine and wholesome nationalism and patriotism. Most Americans concede that it was an act of wisdom for the United States to keep out of the political quarrels of Europe. The world is not ripe for an international state where all may live in peace and harmony and establish a heaven on earth. That time will not be hastened by legislation or human covenants; it never will come until there is a regeneration of the human heart and an elimination of human greed and selfishness.

The late Senator Knox of Pennsylvania was one of the first to point out the perils of Versailles and the Covenant contained therein. In his illuminating speech of March 1, 1919, in the Senate, Senator Knox said: "It (the Covenant) threatens our life in respect of all those matters in which our sovereignty is impaired, because when sovereignty goes,

life as a nation goes. Independence goes when our conduct is dictated by others, when our continued existence depends upon the will of others, when we are no longer able to avail ourselves of our wonted means of defense, actual or by anticipation. It was Thomas Jefferson who said: 'Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe; our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs.'" Furthermore the late Senator from Pennsylvania pointed out the economic hardships of the Versailles Treaty, and the peril nay the impossibility of attempting its enforcement. These words. spoken in 1919 penetrated the future accurately. The harsh economic terms of the compact of 1918-19 have turned out to be one of the powerful factors retarding peace and enthroning hate.

Back of this world-wide problem and its proper solution, is the historic attitude of America and the correct interpretation of great economic forces. For one hundred and thirtythree years America has been at peace with the outside world save on three occasions-in 1812, in 1898 and 1917. These three epochs are clothed with righteous defense and human freedom. They had back of them great ideals such as freedom and justice. No one of these periods save the last, altered in the slightest degree America's attitude toward the remainder of the world or our determination to stand erect and independent. This was the spiritual heritage from our fathers and mothers, unchanged by wealth, riches or power.

Often it is said that the short war of 1898 for the first time hurled America out into space and compelled it to be a world power. Not so. America was a world power long before 1898, and made its influence felt in the capitals of