member of this trinity of nations. She is the ally of the nation which she assisted to become a sovereign democracy, and which in turn reciprocally assisted her to make her democracy triumphant. She is also the ally of the nation with which she was then at war partly because of ancient issues long since forever passed away, and partly because of at least personal sympathy with the freedom-loving faction of that nation, through the triumph of which all three of the Yorktown Nations have been made the world's chief champions of democracy.

It is a noble consummation that at the conclusion of a hundred years of unbroken peace among them, these three once-warring Powers should be firmly united in an alliance for waging the world's latest and greatest conflict for what we may hope will be the final vindication of the great principles which first brought them together, in so different circumstances, at Yorktown. It is an appropriate commemoration of their century of peace; and for that commemoration, and for its perpetual record, M. Jusserand has provided the most appropriate and significant legend in that pregnant phrase," the three Yorktown Nations."

LETTERS FROM A FRENCH PRISONER

OF WAR

[The following note has been supplied by the parents of the French soldier whose letters from the front and from prison the REView is privileged to publish herewith.-EDITOR.

THE anonymous letters which follow were written by a young French soldier, a Bachelor of Letters, mobilized in April, 1915, at the age of eighteen, who after fourteen months at the front was taken prisoner by the enemy on the morning of Whitsunday, 1917. During his subsequent captivity in the "invaded regions" he has found the means of communicating with his family without revealing the nature of his occupations, or even the place where he is imprisoned.

His parents have been asked to give to the American public some extracts from his letters, several hundred in number. They are here in all their simplicity. Certain passages meant only for the intimate family are omitted, as well as all facts which would reveal any military information. It was thought advisable also to omit such humorous allusions and literary quotations as would not be familiar to a foreign. public. Nevertheless, may these pages bring to spirits beyond the Atlantic a sursum corda! A certain enlightened judge wrote to us as follows regarding these letters: "I am about to read them to my boys. This paean, so grave, so modest, so sustained, to harmony and to confidence, possesses an eloquence which moves me deeply. And with what judicious force this love of all that is real and what is true is expressed! The serenity of your son, his valor, his devotion, are stripped of every external mark of glory or authority; they shine in their naked strength, without any intermediary. . . . Thank you for allowing us to share with you in your filial, virile, and human treasure."

-Paris, Jan. 27, 1918.]

FAREWELL TO HEARTH AND HOME

Paris, April 11, 1915.

MY DEAR PARENTS:

I am afraid my departure is going to be a trial to you. I should like to explain the reasons why this day should be a day of profound joy for you, as well as for me.

I don't pretend in the least that a separation is not always more or less sad. But this separation is different from an

ordinary going away: whether I go to the trenches some day or whether I don't go, I shall always be collaborating in the same Work.

You know what I mean by this word Work; for me it means far more than a patriotic duty-it is a real duty to humanity.

Patriotism can often be calamitous; such is the patriotism of a people that does not dare disavow the iniquities committed by its army, and with which it thus becomes associated. In many cases, a certain kind of patriotism may be opposed to the spirit of Christ.

So here I see far more than a patriot's duty-and patriotism is good when the country to which one belongs is a peaceloving and democratic country (according to my idea, the two principal virtues a country can possess).

I would do my share (and you with me, since you are in agreement with me in all points, and have helped me mightily in my departure, as well by your moral as by your material aid) in the work of sane patriotism, and then in the work, a thousand times more beautiful still, for the whole of humanity.

You are, as I am, convinced that the triumph of the Germans would mean the downfall of Peace and Justice, not only in Europe, but in the whole world-an example is so contagious!

Since the war began I have thought a great deal about the question of war and of peace. I have come to the conclusion that the first is an abominable crime, and Christian countries should stand unanimously against it; that there are on this earth no English, no French, no Germans, but men, who should strike to help, and not devour, one another.

Behold the nations whose crimes we can never sufficiently execrate (whether it be that of a Government or of an entire people) who set fire to Europe, and make a doctrine of violence, of lies, of cruelty, of war! Not to resist them would be to allow an anti-Christian rule to be established upon earth.

So I have become absolutely convinced that, in spite of all that is revolting in the idea of killing other human beings, to-day one cannot hesitate. Let us fight in order to pave the way for a world in which one will fight no more! Let this war be the war against war! That is the thought which fills me with joy and enthusiasm.

The defeat of Germany would mean the defeat of brutal

Force, would mean the era of a new humanity, regenerated, purified, a Humanity indeed!-and not a lot of countries with no thought but to throw themselves one upon the other.

My own conviction is that the world is growing better and that the Christian spirit is making progress. Whether we call it "the Christian spirit" or whether the free-thinkers call it "the spirit of Justice"-the meaning is always the

same.

I believe that, thanks to this war, War will collapse once for all. It is worth while to give one's life, actually or figuratively, for such an idea.

I think also, as you do, that this war should be a war of liberation for the oppressed. Besides, I am certain (and here, too, the Work to be accomplished is a work of Justice) that this war will mean the triumph of democracy, the defeat of the ridiculous and criminal régime of hierarchy and privilege.

It would even be worth while-more than that, it would be one's duty-to take up arms to drive out the foe from France and Belgium. . . But I see farther than that.

The great result must be a change of mentality throughout the world, salutary not only for Germany, but for each of us. For these reasons, I feel that this is not a war between countries, but a war of Humanity against violence and evil.

We must look above the means employed and fix our gaze boldly on the future and the humanity which will come after us. To kill, to wound-that is indeed horrible! Let us recognize that we must do it, that it is inevitable now for the sake of the future of the world. No one sees better than I the hideousness of the means. But that does not prevent our looking higher and farther; and only he whose horizon is a vast one can see all that is grand in this war.

Who of us, before such a Work, will draw back on account of moral or material difficulties? I repeat boldly: this day should be for you and for me a day of profound joy.

So I go away with a conscience at ease; and that is what matters.

THE BARRACKS

The only moments when one can really think is when everyone is asleep, at night or early in the morning.

If now and then I have felt a little lonely, I have reacted strongly against this impression.

First, I know some men of intellectual attainments, which

is an immense privilege; then in the rare moments when I have had this fleeting sensation, I have found myself strangely happy at the thought of what we are defending.

Further and this is the real source of power-I have always been able to keep my love of "serving" by prayer; and when these few minutes were passed I felt deeply happy, without knowing exactly why.

Yesterday evening I walked for a long time with a comrade in the courtyard of the barracks. There in the twilight we talked about many interesting things; then we rested our arms on the wall and admired the silence of the evening.

The sky was pearl-grey, the deserted road was edged with apple trees in bloom; in the background a few motionless poplars bent toward the ground. Not a voice was to be heard. You must have experienced a similar poignant impression. Suddenly a star rose above a poplar. A real Verlaine landscape-and way off in the distance a dark line of forest.

I forgot the active and noisy life of the barracks and I felt stirring within me everything I love in poetry. Moments like that regenerate us.

This morning I am full of confidence and new happinesses. Truly this life is transforming me without my knowing exactly what is taking place in me.

Whoever joins the service must accept the idea that the liberty which he will enjoy during this period of his life will, for the greater part of the time, be only a relative liberty. It must be so. Moreover, everyone, for the sake of the liberty of Europe, should be willing to have his own liberty a little abridged.

War, even the most just, though it may awaken splendid devotion, is none the less likely to awaken in the man under arms the sentiments of cruelty and of hatred; and I believe that if our first duty just now is to devote ourselves wholly to the task which the future of the world requires, afterwards we must work to change human mentalities, and to find the way to keep peace, not from fear of our neighbor, but from horror of guilt.

Truly one is conscious to an extraordinary degree of the slime in which humanity grovels when one thinks that a country (or a government which represents it) has dared let loose in cold blood such a conflict.

This idea, when we look into it, has nothing weakening