Constitution stained by the insertion of two most exceptionable clauses; the one in direct opposition to a most humane article, ordained by the first American Congress to be perpetually observed [referring to the sufferance of the slave trade till 1808]: and the other, in equal opposition to an express command of the Almighty, not to deliver up the servant that is escaped from his master, &c. Both clauses, however, (the 9th section of the 1st article and the latter part of the 2d section of the 3d article,) are so clearly null and void by their iniquity, that it would be even a CRIME to regard them as law." *

assume.

It does not appear that Franklin ever answered this letter, in the short term of life which remained to him. But in justice to his great name, I desire to express my conviction here- of course without argument that this patriot philosopher never attributed to the clause, -which simply provides for the surrender of fugitives "from service or labor" without the mention of slaves, - any such meaning as it has since been made to And Granville Sharp himself, in putting upon it the interpretation he did, forgot the judgment which he had extorted from Lord Mansfield, affirming that any law out of which Slavery is derived must be construed strictly; and, stranger still, he forgot his own unanswerable argument, that the word SLAVES is nowhere to be found in the British Constitution. The question under the fugitive clause of our Constitution is identical with that happily settled in England.

In works and contemplations like these was the life of our philanthropist prolonged to a generous old age, cheered by the esteem of the good, informed by study,

*Hoare's Life of Sharp, Part ii. cap. 9.

and elevated by an enthusiastic faith, which always saw the world as the footstool of God; and when, at last, in 1813, bending under the burden of seventyseven winters, he gently sank away, it was felt that a man had died in whom was the greatness of goodness. Among the mourners at his grave stood William Wilberforce; and over the earthly remains of this child of lowly beginnings were now dropped the tears of a royal duke. The portals of that great temple of honor, where are treasured England's glories, swung open at the name of England's earliest Abolitionist. A simple tablet, from the chisel of Chantry, representing an African slave on his knees in supplication, and also the lion and the lamb lying down together, with a suitable inscription, was placed in the Poet's corner of Westminster Abbey, in close companionship with those stones which bear the names of Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespeare, Milton, Dryden, Goldsmith, Gray. As the Muses themselves did not disdain to watch over the grave of one who had done well on earth, so do the poets of England now keep watch over the monument of Granville Sharp. Nor is his place in that goodly company without even poetical title. The poet is simply a creator; and he who was inspired to create freemen out of slaves was a poet of the loftiest style. But not in the sacred Abbey only, was our philanthropist commemorated. The city of London, the centre of those Slave-hunting merchants, over whom his great triumph was won, now gratefully claimed a part of his glory. The marble bust of England's earliest Abolitionist was installed at Guildhall, the home of metropolitan justice, pomp and hospitality, in the precise spot where once had stood the

bust of Nelson, England's greatest Admiral, and beneath it was carved a simple tribute of more perennial worth than all the trophies of Trafalgar: "Granville Sharp, to whom England owes the glorious verdict of her highest court of law, that the slave who sets his foot on British ground, becomes that instant free."

Gentlemen of the Mercantile Library Association, such was Granville Sharp; and such honors England to her hero paid. And now, if it be asked, why, in enforcing the duties of the Good Merchant, at this day, I have selected his name, the answer is prompt. It is in him that the merchant, successor to the chivalrous knight, who aims to fulfil his whole duties, may find a truer prototype than in any stunted though successful votary of trade, while the humble circumstances of his life seem to make him an easy example. In imitating him, commerce would thrive none the less; but goodness more. Business would not be checked; but it would cease to be pursued as the "one idea" of life. Wealth would still abound; but there would be also that solid virtue, never to be moved from truth, which you will admit, even without the admonition of Plato, is better than all the cunning of Dædalus, or all the treasures of Tantalus. The hardness of heart engendered by the accursed greed for gain, and by the madness of worldly ambition, would be overcome; the perverted practice, that Policy is the best Honesty, would be reversed; and Merchants would be recalled, gently but irresistibly, to the great PRACTICAL DUTIES of this age, and thus win the palm of true honesty, which trade alone can never bestow.

Who is the HONEST MAN?

He who doth still and strongly good pursue,

To GOD, his neighbor, and himself, most true."

HERBERT.

in

YOUNG MERCHANTS OF BOSTON! I have spoken to you frankly and faithfully, trusting that you would frankly and faithfully hearken to me. And now, the benison once bestowed upon the youthful Knight, I take my leave: "Go forth, be brave, loyal and successful."

38*

THE DEMANDS OF FREEDOM-REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.

SPEECH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 23D FEBRUARY, 1855, AGAINST MR. TOUCEY'S BILL, AND FOR THE REPEAL

CF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.

On 23d February, 1855, on motion of Mr. Toucey, of Connecticut, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of a "Bill to protect officers and other persons acting under the authority of the United States," by which it was provided that "suits commenced or pending in any State Court against any officer of the United States or other person, for or on account of any act done under any law of the United States, or under color thereof, or for or on account of any right, authority, claim or title, set up by such officer or other person, under any law of the United States," should be removed for trial to the Circuit Court of the United States. It was seen at once that under these words an attempt was made to oust the State Courts of cases arising from trespasses and damages under the Fugitive Slave Bill; and the Bill was pressed, as every thing for Slavery is always pressed, even on Friday, to the exclusion of the private claims to which that day is devoted under the rules of the Senate. A debate commenced, which was continued with much animation and feeling late into the night.

Mr. SUMNER seized this opportunity to press again his proposition to repeal the Fugitive Slave Bill. Just before the final question, he took the floor and spoke as follows:

Mr. PRESIDENT: On a former occasion, as Slavery was about to clutch one of its triumphs, I rose to make