common country, generally; should any of its concerns fall within my official sphere of action.

Permit me, gentlemen, to tender you and the committee, my sincere thanks for the very polite and flattering manner, in which you have made the communication and my fervent prayers for your individual health, prosperity and happiness.

WM. B. GILES.

APPENDIX.

Upon reviewing the proof-sheets of the foregoing pamphlet, it occur red to me, that I had omitted my remarks in reply to Mr. Clay's notions of the positive independence of foreign nations on the part of the United States, after it was too late to introduce them in their proper place; and having written two numbers upon that subject in 1824, I determined to introduce them at the close of the pamphlet, as substitutes for the omitted remarks. The opinions therein expressed have not be come impaired; but are enforced and confirmed, by experience, and farther reflection.

Tariff Bill-Independence of Foreign Nations.

I have heretofore taken the liberty of saying, that the pretexts for the tariff bill appear to me to be flimsy, visionary, unfounded, and many of them ridiculous. I will now briefly examine one of these pretexts, which seems to me to be the basis of all the rest—indeed, all those which have branched forth from the parent stock, I think, felo de se: 1 shall therefore leave them, at this time, to their own self destruction, or to the destruction of the antagonist arguments of others.-The ultimate object of the tariff bill is avowed to be, to render the United States independent of foreign nations. It would be impossible to tell, how often this phrase has been ushered forth in the newspapers, within. the last three or four years; and at this moment, I am as much at a loss to comprehend the precise meaning, intended to be conveyed by it, or the precise object intended to be described by it, as if I had never seen it at all. According to my understanding, there is as little definite meaning or object attached to this phrase, as to any other, of the same number of words, in the English languge. I must presume that the phraseologists know themselves what they mean by it; but as I do not, I beg leave to state my own difficulties in that respect; the more especially, as most polemic discussions are found to depend rather upon the want of affixing some precise, definite meaning to the terms used in such discussions, than upon the results from the premises after their precise meaning shall be ascertained and agreed upon. The phrase "independent of foreign nations," I presume, is intended to describe some state of relation between the United States and foreign nations; but what that precise definite state of relation is, I cannot comprehend from the term itself. The word "independence" is a word of relation. Do the tariff schemers mean by the phrase, "independence of foreign nations," a positive or relative independence of foreign nations? If they mean a relative independence, how near do they mean to approach to a positive independence? If they mean a positive independence, I then pronounce, that it is neither attainable nor desirable. If they mean a relative independence, then I assert, that the United States do at this time possess all salutary relative independence of foreign nations. If

they did not, the tariff bill would not have the least tendency to produce it; but might, and probably would, tend to lessen the existing independence.

In this world, there is scarcely any thing positive. It is a world of relations and dependencies. This system of relation and dependence is seen throughout all nature. It is seen, as well in regard to national as individual relations and dependences. The great principle of creation is founded in the sexual systern. In the relations of individual life, the sexes are made dependant on each other for mutual happiness. In infancy, the child is made dependant upon the parent; and in old age, the parent upon the child. There are also relative degrees of dependance throughout all social and domestic life. The same principle of relation and dependance will be found throughout all scenes of business. The consumer depends upon the merchant to supply his wants of foreigu goods; the merchant depends upon the consumer, either for money or other goods in exchange. This system will be found to pervade all callings, and conditions in individual life. To be positively independent in private life, what would it be necessary for an individual to do? He must be his own farmer to raise his own grain, his own miller to grind it; his own cook to bake it, before he could get a piece of bread in his mouth: he must be his own grazier, his own butcher, and his own cook, before he could get a piece of meat in his mouth and before he could get a pair of shoes on his feet, he must add the occupations of tanner and shoemaker. Besides, he must make all the tools and implements of all his variegated occupations.-Throughout his whole long catalogue of wants, he must observe the same process, to supply each particular want. Upon supplying himself, with his own hands, with the whole of his wants, he would then, and not till then, be a positively independent gentleman. But while this process, if practicable, would render him positively independent of all other creatures, it would render him the most positively dependant slave upon himself. According to this doctrine of positive independence in private life, a gentleman with his pockets astrut with cash, would be dependant upon his tailor, his shoemaker, and upon every body else who contributes to his enjoyments-and the old notion of a gentleman of independent fortune must be abandoned altogether. Heretofore it has been understood, that, when a gentleman has money enough to pay for all his wants, he is independent: not that he is positively so, but relatively so. However wealthy a man may be, he is dependant upon the tailor for his coat, upon the shoemaker for his shoes, and so on to the extent of all his wants: but the furnishers of these wants are dependant upon him for his money. This mutuality of dependance neutralizes its effects, and produces a relative independence, which is all the independence that is practicable, or desirable, amongst mankind in private life. The same principles will be found to extend, and apply in full force to the family of nations. It has pleased the omnipotent Author of creation to form this world with different climates, different soils, different productions, and a vast variety of other differences. One nation produces more of a particular article, suited to the use and enjoyment of man, than it wants for its own use; another nation produces more of another article of a different kind, than it wants for its own use: an exchange of

each surplus production, therefore, becomes necessary for mutual accommodation. Hence the foundation of foreign commerce. For this purpose, God has separated continents and islands, by elements of fluids, and endowed man with skill for navigating them; but he has not seen fit to bestow on any one nation every thing which was necessary or convenient for all its wants: and thus most forcibly demonstrates his design, that a mutual intercourse amongst nations should take place; or in other words, that commerce should exist amongst mankind. In no one instance has God's infinite goodness and wisdom been more manifest, than in imposing these mutual obligations and dependencies upon mankind, for their own enjoyments, happiness, and the improvement of the human intellect. Through commerce the greatest blessings have been transferred from one nation to another. Letters from Phenicia; the mariner's compass from Genoa; printing from Germany; seeds of various kinds from one country to another; improvements in the fine, agricultural and mechanic arts; and in all the intellectual endowments of the human mind. In all these respects the United States have derived more benefit from commerce, than has fallen to the lot of any other modern nation. They have been greatly blessed too in their own indigenous productions; but it has not pleased God to bless them with every thing useful and necessary to the enjoyment of man they have not been rendered positively independent of all other nations. There are two articles, amongst others, which are deemed highly desirable amongst all mankind, with which they have been but sparingly supplied-gold and silver. Perhaps, however, the tariff schemers might rely upon the omnipotence of their schemes for diverting labor from its natural into artificial channels, to force a sufficient supply of gold at least from the gold mines of North Carolina; or they might conclude, that gold and silver were not wanted for animal gratifications, and might be dispensed with altogether.

If gold and silver are not to be expunged from our catalogue of wants, then positive independence is not attainable to the United States. -Until the tariff schemers turn alchymists, and shall make gold and silver out of any thing, or nothing, they cannot render the United States positively independent of foreign nations. In regard to relative independence, the United States stand upon high ground in their intercourse with foreign nations; and will continue to do so, until they throw away the abundance of good things which their God has most bountifully bestowed upon them.-He has given them climates, and soils, suited to the production of wheat, cotton, and tobacco, amongst many other good things. These articles are wanted in other countries, and if the United States will not refuse a fair interchange of the surplus of these good things, for the surplus of the good things produced in other countries, which are wanted here, it will always insure to the United States a salutary relative independence of foreign nations. I should not feel at all dependant upon foreign nations for our gold and silver, so long as the nations, which have them, shall indulge the appetite for our flour and tobacco, and a taste for the articles produced by our cotton; and so long as the political schemers of the United States should leave them to their natural effects; and should not drive back the gold and silver by their banking institutions or by other ruinous

schemes. The United States have heretofore claimed pre-eminent ground in their relative intercourse with foreign nations. They possess a thin, active population-a fertile and unoccupied soil-subsistence in abundance. Their surplus productions consist mostly of raw materials, in great demand in foreign nations-whilst in most other countries, the population is crowded-there are more hands than employment-the subsistence scanty, and our raw materials wanted to aid in giving employment to the surplus hands. These circumstances, if not inpeded in their natural operations, could not fail to place the United States on 'vantage ground in their relations with foreign nations. A few months ago, I could not help concluding, that the pretension to a relative, salutary independence on the part of the United States, would unquestionably have found an authority in Mr. Speaker of the House of Representatives, which would have been irresistible in its influence with a majority of that House. When I contemplated Mr. Speaker, with his Briarian hands, and fancied him engaged in delivering his infuriated Greek speech; with one hand battering down the constitution of the United States--another battering down state rights, save only the Kentucky non-resident and relief laws,-a third beautifying the United States with internal improvements-a fourth spread over Mexico, and all South America-a fifth stretched forth to European Greece-a sixth with one little finger pointing to Africa, Messurado-a seventh with the fore-finger pointing to the Pacific-mouth of Columbia-and with all the rest busily engaged in unsheathing to the view of trembling, astonished Europe, one million of glittering American bayonets; I thought, that Mr. Speaker must be buoyed up with the hope, and even deluded with the belief, that the United States were positively independent of the whole world-indeed more, that the destinies of the whole world were at their command. Could it have been expected! can it be credited! that within one month after Mr. Speaker, in this gigantic, appalling attitude, had set at defiance one hundred and fifty millions of the most potent people upon earth, that he would advocate the most despotic scheme, upon the ground that the United States were not blessed with even a common salutary independence of foreign nations!! That they were in such a state of dependance, as to call forth all the energies of his mind, to legislate them into a state of relative independence!!! Dependant too, upon whom, or upon what!!! Upon this very Europe, he had just frightened out of its wits! with one million of unsheathed, glittering American bayonets!!! Yet are these strange things now before us!! A great man

a statesman-above all, a President, should be endowed with faculties of forethought and consistency. Not only an union of thought and of action in each particular measure, but a consistency and continuity of thought, and of object in all his measures. Do we find them here? Are not these two schemes grounded upon directly contradictory principles? The one grounded upon a positive independence, which alone could justify setting all Europe at defiance-the other on a dangerous dependance upon this same Europe. But to settle this point, let a resort be had to matter of fact. The United States have not long since been engaged in actual war with Great Britain-the nation upon which the United States are said to be more dependant, than upon any other.