Done in duplicate at Washington, the fifth day of February, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred.

JOHN HAY.
PAUNCEFOTE.

The Senate may amend that treaty. There is an amendment, proposed by Senator Davis of Minnesota, pending, which is as follows:

"Insert at the end of Section 5 of which two the following: 'It is agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing conditions and stipulations in Sections 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of this act shall apply to measures which the United States may find it necessary to take for securing by its own forces the defense of the United States and the maintenance of public order.'" A majority of the Committee on Foreign Relations favor this amendment, and believe that so amended the new treaty will be a happy escape from the restrictions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and the certain first step in the ownership of an isthmian canal by the Govern ment of the United States. It will also provide for the use of that canal in the defense of this country.

There is a peaceful and practical way of accomplishing results as well as a belligerent and impractical way. The United States is now at peace with all nations of the world. It is seeking to maintain these peaceful relations and follow the destinies of the Republic without provoking an unnecessary conflict with any other nation. The duty of the President is to settle all foreign questions by diplomacy if possible. In this case the State Department succeeded in securing the modification of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, which was desired and necessary to carry. ing out the new American policy of an American canal built by this Government and controlled by it. It is another achievement of the administration without bombast or belligerency. Congress did not know it was contemplated until it was accomplished, but the adminis tration act fitted into the plans of Congress to legislate for a government canal. The treaty came as a surprise, but it furnished the bridge over which Congress could pass without breaking the faith of this Govern ment by violating a treaty with a friendly power. It was one of those happy achievements of diplomacy which made possible what the most ardent tail-twisters in Congress were demanding because it seemed impossible. Whatever credit is due Congress for taking advance ground on canal legislation, to the McKinley administration is due the credit

for placing the proposed legislation above the suspicion of a violation of a treaty obligation-the highest law of the land. The possibilities of an isthmian canal have been exploited for many years. It will unite the Atlantic and Pacific coasts for commerce and for national defense. It will facilitate the exchanges of the products of the East and the West, and also the commerce with South America. It will furnish the open channel for a direct circumnavigation of the globe on one parallel and from Porto Rico on the East to Hawaii and the Philippines to the West the sea will be under the protection of the United States flag.

CHAPTER IX.

EXPANSION NOT IMPERIALISM-AN AMERICAN POLICY,
NOT PARTISAN

The expansion policy of the United States is almost as old as the Government. It began with the beginning of the century just closing. The people and their representatives in Congress and in the Executive office began to look across the Mississippi river with longing eyes when Washington was President. The mouth of the Mississippi river was controlled by Spain. Our commerce from the South and West on that great waterway could only reach the international waters of the ocean and the Gulf by passing through a foreign gateway. The statesmen of that time clearly saw that this Government must secure that gateway to insure independence for the commerce of the country that had been won for the conscience and political rights of the people. They set about finding a way to secure this gateway. The people of the West claimed that "The Mississippi is ours by the law of nature," and in their remonstrance against the existence of that foreign gateway declared: "If Congress refuses us effectual protection, if it forsakes us, we will adopt the measures which our safety requires, even if they endanger the peace of the Union and our connection with the other States. No protection, no allegiance." The people of the older States on the Atlantic coast caught up the cry of their relatives and fellow-citizens in the West and emphasized the demand on Congress and on the President for relief by regulation, and if that failed by war.

President Jefferson saw the growing discontent and endeavored to quiet it by assurances of action. He transmitted to Congress December 22, 1802, a message in which he said that he was aware of the obligation to maintain in all cases the rights of the Nation and to employ for that purpose those great and honorable means which belong to the character of the United States. In reply the House of Representatives reminded the President that they held it to be their duty "to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi as established by existing treaties."

President Jefferson began negotiations with Spain which failed. Spain then retroceded the Louisiana Territory to France and Napoleon offered to cede it to the United States. This was done in 1803, and the United States expansion policy began. It has continued from that time to this, all parties and all administrations being forced to follow the demands of the people for better trade opportunities. It has never meant imperialism, though the few opponents of each act of expansion raised the cry of imperialism, just as the Democratic leaders are raising it now.

The original thirteen States held title to little more than one-fourth of the present extent of territory within the United States. The other three-fourths were the result of expansion, and this expansion was by the old Democratic party of Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson. It was by conquest and purchase and discovery. It was without the consent of the governed. In some instances it was charged that it had imperialism as its inspiration to make more powerful the old slave power of the South. That party led by Jefferson and Monroe reached out after Cuba, the Danish West Indies, Yucatan and the Hawaiian Islands. Whatever the inspiration for this expansion it was by the greatest statesmen the country has produced, and it has become the seat of the most democratic empire the world has ever known and the home of the purest democracy in the union of States.

The Republican party is now following this old Democratic policy, the policy of Jefferson when he secured the Louisiana Territory. The only difference is that the policy was forced upon the Republican party as the result of a war for humanity. Hawaii came asking admission to the Union, and Congress voted almost unanimously and without party division to annex the islands. During the war with Spain the people of Porto Rico met the U. S. soldiers with flowers and fruits and enthusiastic speeches of welcome and asked for American flags. They desired to throw off the yoke of Spain and become a part of the United States. The Philippines were taken from Spain as indemnity for the war. Admiral Dewey, a Democrat, sailed into Manila Bay to carry out his orders to find and capture or destroy the Spanish fleet. He destroyed it, winning the most remarkable naval victory of modern times. He remained after the battle in possession of the bay, and the army followed to take Manila from the Spaniards. Spain surrendered the islands to the United States as indemnity for the war and transferred the sovereignty of the archipelago which the world had acknowledged hers for four hundred years.

There has never been from the day of Dewey's victory over the Spanish fleet until now, a day or an hour when this Government could surrender the Philippines without shirking its responsibilities as a great world power. If there is in the future such a possibility, no man can see it. We had carried our flag to the Philippines, and must keep it there or withdraw it, leaving the flag of Spain over the islands. There was no other government or possibility of a government to contest that power with Spain. Other powers were ready to seize upon the islands if the United States withdrew. Their navies were in Manila Bay ready to stay and seize the fruits of Dewey's victory.

This is the story in brief of the Republican expansion. It began in humanity and ended in duty. The duty remains. It cannot be shifted or shirked with honor. No party or administration can change it and retain the respect of the American people and most of the world. No opponent of the Administration has suggested a way to surrender the Philippines. They are American territory. That fact is settled beyond controversy. Congress has the power and the duty to fix the political status of the inhabitants of those islands. Congress will do this as it has fixed the political status of the inhabitants of other territory acquired. The Louisiana Territory was acquired nearly one hundred years ago. The last territory in that great empire of the West has been admitted to the Union of States within the last ten years. The Philippines will not be admitted to the Union until they can meet the same requirements of other territories seeking Statehood. This may never be. The archipelago may never be brought under the Constitution as a part of the United States. It will not be while it remains what it is with a great population wholly dissimilar to the population of this country and unqualified for participation in the Government of the United States. Dewey did not carry the Constitution to Manila nor did the Peace Commissioners send it there. Congress is the only power that can place the Constitution in the Philippines. Congress can legislate for these islands without giving them a right to help in the legislation for this country. Congress can give them a civil government as free as that of any State when they are fitted for it, without giving them freedom of trade with this country. Congress has done that with Porto Rico. This is not imperialism. It is the same kind of expansion we had in the Louisiana Territory and in Oregon and in the territory acquired from Mexico. The beginning was the same, with the exception that in the treaty with Spain