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The following articles are extracted from the "statutes" of the society.
1. The object of the society's labors is to invoke the application of all those measures which tend towards the emancipation of the slaves in our colonies, and at the same time to seek the most prompt and effectual means to ameliorate the condition of the colored class, to enlighten their minds, and to make their liberty useful and profitable to all the inhabitants of the colonies.
2. The society is composed of twenty seven founding members, and of an unlimited number of associated members.
3. The candidate for admission to the society must be presented by two of its members, and proposed at the following sitting, by the central committee.
It is also necessary to pay an annual subscription, of which the amount is optional, but which cannot be less than 25 francs for each member.
4. All the members of the society have the right to be present at its sittings and take part in its deliberations.
5. The founding members form a central committee. This committee has power to elect on committees for the direction of the society's labors such associate members as are distinguished for their labors, and these members shall enjoy the same rights as the founders.
6. The central committee shall render account of its labors at the general and public meetings.
7. The amount of subscription, after defraying incidental expenses, is devoted to publications, and to the collecting of documents which can throw light upon the question of the enfranchisement of the slaves.
8. The treasurer of the society shall render an account of his administration quarterly.
Addition, June 1st, 1835.-The society admits corresponding members in the departments, with a voluntary payment which is to be addressed to the treasurer.
The report of the society's operations is arranged in the form of minutes of its sittings. From these minutes we make a few extracts.
JANUARY 11th (1836.)-M. Passy, one of the vice presidents, announced that in concert with M. de Tracy, he had drawn up the project of a proposition to the chamber, it consisted of three parts.
By the first, slavery would be abolished on the first of January, 1840.
By the second, royal ordinances would provide the necessary measures to prepare the people of the colonies.
By the third and last, certain financial measures would be proposed to the chambers, in the session of 1839, to effect the liberation.
FEBRUARY, 15th.-It appears by documents received from French Guiana, that the decree of the convention for the abolition of slavery in 1794, did not cause any disturbances, but that it impaired industry, because it was published alone, without any measure relative to the cultivation of the estates. Slavery was again established there by order of the consular government, by a proclamation of Victor Hugo, of the 5th Floreal, year XI.
At the time of this re-establishment, the colony exported more products than in 1789, with a considerably smaller number of laborers. The colonists were free from their old debts. Most of the actual fortunes date from this epoch. The re-establishment of slavery, therefore, is to be considered as a useless and impolitic measure; after eight years of the enjoyment of liberty, there was resistance; five or six hundred blacks lost their lives in the struggle.
FEBRUARY, 28th.-In the sitting of the chamber of deputies, of the 9th of March, (1836), M. admiral Duperre, upon the interrogation of M. Roger du Loiret, a member of the society, said that in imitation of the president of the council, "the government was occupied in collecting all the facts which could throw light upon the important question of emancipation."
After the session, he continued, I shall lose no time in addressing to the governors of our colonies, a note which indeed I have already communicated to the colonial delegates, that they might have it to submit to the colonial oouncils, and enjoin upon them to consider it. Consequently, the colonial councils are at this
moment possessed of the note which I have sent them. It is at this present session of 1836 that they will be occupied with it. The results will be forwarded to me, and the government will take measures accordingly; but on account of the great distance, the chamber will see the necessity of giving time.
The department of the marine, for its part, is spontaneously occupied with all the means of ameliorating the condition of the slaves; it has also sought by the provisions of a law which is already drawn up, to augment the number of enfranchisements in yielding to the slave the power to liberate himself, either by means of ransom, creating for this purpose a peculium of which he is assured the legal possession, or by other means, for example, requiring that every slave who quits the colony to accompany his master shall be freed before his departure. He added that the government would neglect no means of promoting religious and moral education, so as to advance the civilization of this class of the popula tion. He thought this the best way to insure to them, as well as to all, the peaceable enjoyment of the boon which would one day be granted them.
MARCH 21st.-The society heard a statement from M. Ramon de la Sagra, for a long time Director of the Botanic Garden at Havannah. He employed only emancipated blacks, who had gone through an apprenticeship of five years; he was perfectly satisfied with them; their number is from four to five thousand. They work for hire. There will not be in this island (Cuba) very great obstacles to emancipation, inasmuch as the prejudice, so to speak, does not there exist. Children found or left destitute, who are fully black or mulattoes, are placed in the hospitals, under the protection of the king, and by virtue of this are considered noble, as well as the whites; they are adinissible, and, in fact, admitted to all employments, for which they have the necessary knowledge.
APRIL 11th. Since the ordinance of 1832, in regard to enfranchisements, among 20,000 claims of liberty in Martinique, there have been but 20 objected to; among these objections, there has been but one put in by creditors; all the objections have been declared ill founded.
MAY 9th.-A member proposed to petition for partial and successive emancipation, commencing by the enfranchisement of the children without indemnity.
The society thought that it ought to hold on to the principle of general abolition. The Chamber of Deputies and the government, are but too much disposed to avoid the financial difficulties of the question by adopting such means. sides, a partial emancipation, to say nothing of its injustice, would not prevent the dangers which are apprehended, and would be more injurious to the colonies.
JUNE 6th.-The secretary gave an account of an interview, which he had had with the director of the administration of the colonies, in consequence of the discussion in the chambers.
He inquired what was the disposition of the administration since the discussion. He was answered that it was sincerely abolitionist; but that under this name it had been already vigorously attacked by the colonial party.
How long time will the administration require to carry its abolition designs into execution? Answer. Three years.
More than this, the director is not a partizan of the English system. The apprenticeship, he says, is useless. The experience of it has taught that it needs rigorous rules to insure the continuance of labor. This will make a slavery almost as cruel as the old.
Besides, it will be necessary to consult the interests of the treasury. France will never consent to give 200 millions to the colonies to ransom 260,000 slaves.
The director grants that the two ordinances published in the month of May, however useful, are no step towards emancipation. From this time to the next session of the chambers, the minister will prepare measures more efficacious. M. the director, has also promised to publish an analysis of the votes of the colonial councils.
A member complained of the little aid which the society obtained from the Catholic clergy.
As to the Protestants, M. Guizot, has pronounced a remarkable discourse as president of the Bible Society, at its sitting on the 20th April, 1836. In this dis
cours, published in the Moniteur of the 30th May, the ex-minister has said, "that religion has for its essential object the soul of man, not the soul in a general "and abstract manner, but the soul of every man; the soul of every living and "immortal being.
"The most of the ameliorations effected among us, he added, for the last 50 years, have had for their object the social condition, the relations of men to each "other. Amidst so so many projects, the soul of man itself has often been forgotten.
"This love of humanity, which has so much honored our times, has given "place to a shuddering timidity; there must be more devotedness, more ambition "for this great and holy cause."
It is to be regretted that a civilian in so high a place, has not up to the present time, uttered a single word, nor taken any art whatever in labors which have for their object to ransom the souls of our 260,000 blacks and their posterity; these people are not taught to understand any moral duty; they live and die like brutes.
A NATION'S BROKEN Vow.-On the 20th of October, 1774, the delegates of twelve colonies being assembled in Congress, in Philadelphia, for the purpose of obtaining relief from British oppression, entered unanimously into a solemn agreement binding upon themselves and their constituents, which with their names was placed on record before God and the world. The second article of this instrument was as follows:
"WE WILL NEITHER IMPORT NOR PURCHASE ANY SLAVE IMPORTED AFTER THE "FIRST DAY OF DECEMBER NEXT, AFTER WHICH TIME WE WILL WHOL"LY DISCONTINUE THE SLAVE TRADE, AND WILL NEITHER EE CONCERN
ED IN IT OURSELVES, NOR WILL WE HIRE OUR VESSELS, NOR SELL OUR COMMODITIES "OR MANUFACTURES TO THOSE WHO ARE CONCERNED IN IT."
Agreea' ly to this vow, the several states shut their ports against the foreign slave trade. Mr. Walsh, in his "Appeal," says Virginia formally abolished the trade in October, 1778, and the other states followed her example, at different times, before the date of the Federal Constitution. South Carolina, in 1803, was the first to break the vow, by a small majority of her legislature; and she plead the "provisions of the Constitution." Congress prohibited the traffic in Louisiana, in 1804. In 1805 the prohibition was repealed, from that time to December 31st, 1807, the trade flourished horribly. 39,075 slaves were imported into Charleston alone; 8,688 of these were torn from Africa by the human-flesh-brokers of New England!
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS, BRIEFLY.-The President's message of Deccember, 1835, accused the American Anti-Slavery Society, of issuing insurrectionary publications. The society threw open its doors, and invited the President, by a congressional committee, to examine all its doings and publications The President made no reply. His message of December 1836-18 SILENT.
Last year the Governor of South Carolina would have abolitionists "hanged without benefit of clergy"--would dissolve the union if Anti-Slavery Societies were not suppressed. This year he would have a solemn declaration" asserting the right to recede, in case slavery be abolished in the District of Columbia Last year slavery was his "corner stone, &c." This year it is his reason for not provoking foreign wars.
Last year the governor of New York thought abolitionism was dying. This year he is sure of it. Ecce signa-Gov. Ritner.-Vermont resolutions-chopfallen mobocrats in Utica. Mr. Birney's new press in Cincinnau.-Abolitionists in Congress-increased number of lecturers. Anti-Slavery Societies doubled.
To sum up the whole, the worst vagabond, the ragged, drunken, beggar or thief, might treat the most pious, learned, and estimable man, even if he sustained the office of catechist, with contempt, if he only was of a lower caste,-and all this was unchangeable from generation to generation-from age to age.
Had not these details proceeded from Bishop Wilson himself, the existence of such a state of things in a Christian church, would be deemed almost incredible. That it was ever allowed, arose from a mistaken idea of the early German and English missionaries, that caste was merely a civil institution, and therefore should not be meddled with by the church. They overlooked the fact that the whole institution was so intimately connected with the religious notions of Indian heathenism, that both must fall together, and that if one was suffered to remain, the other would unavoidably continue. And so, in fact, it has been. Between one hundred and seventy relapses to heathenism, took place in a single year, and, in the opinion of Archdeacos Robinson, of Madras, expressed in his report to the Bishop of Calcutta, more than half the church had become heathens. The German Lutheran mission, too, from the same cause, seemed to be near extinction. In view of these alarming facts, Bishop Wilson, about two years since, issued a decisive order on the subject, as much distinguished for energy, as for wisdom and prudence. "The existence of caste, as respects religion," he says, "must cease, or we had better abandon our missions at once." Its connection with the domestic relation, he allows to remain untouched, leaving it to be destroyed by the gradual effects of Christianity, although," as he says, "I might have done well, like the apostle, to require a full renunciation of all the heathen cus
So we think, too. Are men to be made Christians in their religion, and continue heathens in their social relations? The "gradual effects of Christianity," upon the heathenism which gets admitted into the Christian church, is like the gradual effects of a healthy flock of sheep upon those infected with the rot which get admitted into the fold. Relative to its effects upon the heathenism of the world, a church with heathenism in its bosom is like an antidote for poison mixed with the virus of mad dogs. We have high hopes of the "gradual effects of Christianity," and that is the very reason why we labor to bring the Christian church to "a full renunciation of the heathen customs" of caste and slavery.EDITOR.
M. DE LAMARTINE closed an eloquent speech before the French Chamber of Deputies, in language which we faintly translate as follows:
Gentlemen, a reflection struck me at the instant I was about to descend from this tribune. This reflection I have often made before entering this chamber as a deputy-before ascending for the first time to this place; and it is this thought, perhaps, which has given me a little of this courage, a little of this presumption for once to bring to this tribune truths which are called ultra-utopian-disorganizing, but which, in my opinion, are eminently conservative; for I know nothing in the world so revolutionary as an abuse let alone-nothing in the world so revolutionary as an immorality, an iniquity, which can be corrected, left consecrated by law. (CHEERS from the left.) It is with this reflection that I wish the chamber to be impressed.
Yes, I conjure the chamber, I conjure each of my colleagues who has heard me, and whom I thank for his benevolent attention,-I conjure him to retire for a moment into the silence of his thoughts, and carry himself forward to that day, when, leaving the legislative hall forever, freed from these cares of public business, freed from these embarrassments, these difficulties of execution, these pretended impossibilities which incessantly oppose all our good desires, he will say to himself:-I have been a legislator; I have been judge; I have been master; the great question of slavery has been brought before me-the possession of man by man; I have had in my hands the fate of my fellow beings. I have had in my hands the liberty, the dignity, the amelioration, the moralization, the redemption of an entire race of my brethren, and my hands remained fast closed! (NUMEROUS CHEERS- Well done! well done!) In coming into the world, I had to bear my part of this grand, aggregated abomination-I have had the power to remove it-quitting the world, I have left this inheritance of shame-have left it to go down entire to my posterity! Gentlemen, to this interrogation of our consciences, what will be our response? Let us prevent it at all hazards! (RPEATED MARKS OF APPROBATION.)
This work is issued on the first days of October, January, April, and July. Each number contains 104 pages.
The price is one dollar a year, always in advance. Any individual remitting $5 free of postage, will receive six copies.
OTHER PUBLICATIONS OF THE AM. ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
On the first week of each month is issued a small newspaper, entitled HUMAN RIGHTS; on the second week, the ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD; on the third week, the SLAVE'S FRIEND. THE EMANCIPATOR is published weekly and sent to subscribers according to the terms below.
PRICE OF THE PUBLICATIONS:
Single copy, $200 per annum, always in advance.
Any individual who will forward the money for five copies shall be entitled to one copy gratis.
Thirty dollars will be received in advance in payment for 20 copies, provided they are all directed to one post office.
Single copy, 25 cents per annum.
Twenty copies to one address, $3 50, or 17 1-2 cents each per annum.
ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD. Monthly.
Single copy, 25 cents per annum.
Twenty-five copies to one address, $5 00, or 20 cents each per annum.
SLAVE'S FRIEND. Monthly.
A hundred numbers, 80 cents.
Single number, 1 cent.
Payment is to be made in all cases IN ADVANCE, FREE OF POSTAGE.
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
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All business letters in regard to the publications or remittances on the Monthly Subscription Pian, should be addressed to Mr. R. G. WILLIAMS, Publishing Agent, No. 3 Spruce street, New-York.
Other letters and communications to be inserted in any of the publications, should be addressed to E. WRIGHT, Jr., Secretary for Domestic Correspondence, excepting those for the Emancipator, which should be addressed to Rev. A. A. PHELPS, No. 3 Spruce street, New-York.