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He refused to be taken alive-and said that other attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he would not be taken. When taken he was nearly naked, had a large dirk or knife and a heavy club. He was at first, (when those who were in pursuit of him found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the intention of merely crippling him. He was shot at several times, and at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. He kept in the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the neighbors were in pursuit of him. As soon as the negro was taken, the best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. One of the witnesses at the Inquisition stated that the negro boy said that he was from Mississippi, and belonged to so many persons, he did not know who his master was, but again he said his master's name was Brown. He said his own name was Sam, and, when asked by another witness who his master was, he muttered something like Augusta or Augustine. The boy was apparently above 35 or 40 years of age, about six feet high, slightly yellow in the face, very long beard or whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared to have been runaway a long time. WILLIAM H. PRITCHARD,

Coroner, (Ex. Officio,) Barnwell Dist., S. C. The Mississippi and other papers will please copy the above."


1. This murder was perpetrated by persons who pretended to no claim of property in the individual victim. They suspected him of belonging to somebody..

2. It was not committed in the heat of passion, but in cold-blooded regard to the system which makes men property. There was great care to take the man with as little injury as possible to the property, but no care for the rights or feelings of the man.

3. The negro well understood the odds against him, yet he ran the risk of small shot and large, rather than be dragged into slavery.

4. This publication is evidently called forth by a tender regard to the feelings of the master, if master the poor man had, and is designed to show that honorable being, that though the murderers regarded not the life of his man, they did all they could, both by "small shot" and "medical aid," to save the life of his property.


5. This "boy" was "slightly yellow in the face," of a stern countenance," &c., hence he may have been the son of one of the southern signers of the great 86 compact!"

6. This is an official statement, made unblushingly, and published without comment, as of an every day occurrence. It shows the tone of southern feeling; it stands the exponent of southern practice. The murder was perpetrated by a whole neighborhood as a systematic business affair.


WEST INDIA APPRENTICESHIP. The Select Committee of the British Parliament appointed" to inquire into the working of the apprenticeship system in the colonies, the condition of the Apprentices, and the laws and regulations affecting them," have concluded their labors by a report in which they urge certain modifications of existing laws, "express their conviction, that nothing could be more unfortunate than any occurrence which would have a tendency to unsettle the minds

of either class with regard to the fixed determination of the Imperial Parliament to preserve inviolate both parts of the solemn engagement by which the services of the apprenticed laborer were secured to his employer for a definite period, and under specified restrictions:"-So the miscalled apprenticeship will probably have its full course, notwiths anding the masters' forfeiture of their claim to what shou d never have been granted them. The committee say, that "In the evidence which they have received, they find abundant proof of the general good conduct of the apprentices, and of their willingness to work for wages whenever they are fairly and considerately treated by their employers. It is, indeed, fully proved that the labor, thus voluntarily performed by the negro, is more effective than that which was obtained from him while in a state of slavery, or which is now given to his employer during the period for which he is compelled to work as an apprentice. The mutual suspicion and irritation of the different classes of the community appear to be gradually subsiding; and, on the part of the negro population, industrious habits, and the desire of moral and physical improvement, seem to be gaining ground!"

The following are a series of resolutions passed at the meeting of the Wesleyan Missionaries, (twenty-five in number,) of the Antigua District, assembled at St. Johns, Antigua, Feb. 7, 1837.

1. "That the emancipation of the slaves of the West Indies, while it was an act of undoubted justice to that oppressed people, has operated most favorably in furthering the triumphs of the gospel, by removing one prolific source of unmerited suspicion of religious teachers, and thus opening a door to their more extensive labors and usefulness-by furnishing & greater portion of time for the service of the negro, and thus preventing the continuance of unavoidable Sabbath desecrations in labor and neglect of the means of grace-and in its operation as a stimulus to proprietors and other influential gentlemen, to encourage religious education and the wide dissemination of the Scriptures, as an incentive to industry and good order.

2. "That while the above statements are true with reference to all the islands, even where the system of apprenticeship prevails, they are especially applicable to Antigua, where the results of the great measure of entire freedom, soumanely and judiciously granted by the legislature, cannot be contemp ated without the most devout thanksgivings to Almighty God.

3. "That we regard with much gratification, the great diminution among all classes in these islands, of the most unchristian prejudice of color, the total absence of it in the government and ordinances of the churches of God with which we are connected, and the prospect of its complete removal, by the abolition of slavery, by the increased diffusion of general knowledge, and of that religion which teaches to "6 honor all men," and to love our neighbor as ourselves."


GREAT BRITAIN AND TEXAS.-A motion has been made and lost by a minority of thirteen, in the British House of Commons, to have copies of the correspondence between the government of Great Britain and that of the United States and Mexico laid before that body. Mr. Hoy, the mover, spoke of the danger of Texas becoming a portion of the United States, and said,

"When Mexico declared herself an independent state, Mr. Canning had entered into a treaty with that country, by which the Mexicans consented to abolish slavery in every portion of their dominions. This stipulation, with regard to the abolition of Slavery, having been mutually agreed to between the contracting parties, Great Britain was bound to cooperate with Mexico, for the purpose of securing the desired abolition. It was, however, quite notorious that an importa tion of slaves to an enormous ex ent had been recently carried on from the United States into Texas."

Mr. O'Connell said, and we honor him for saying it,

"The revolt of Texas was founded upon nothing else than the abolition of Slavery by the Mexican government. The Mexican government of 1824 pronounced that no one born in the territory of Mexico after that year, should be born in Slavery; and in 1829 they went farther, and abolished Slavery altogether, upon which immediately followed the revolt in the province of Texas. That revolt was actually the consequence of abolishing Slavery in Mexico. The United States would not think of peopling that country with white men. What, then, were we to think of those who settled there upon the speculation of increasing the number of slaves-that most horrible of all traffics? He would say that they ought to be degraded in the eyes of every man of feeling. It was revolting to think of it-to think of breeding up human beings for the purpose of making them slaves and selling them-of stocking farms, as it were, and estimating the probable number of woinen necessary to be kept for a certain number of men-of breeding up children as a matter of speculation, just as they would do sheep, and calculating how soon they would be ripe for the market. It was a blot which no country but America would suffer to stain their history. No nation was ever degraded by such a crime except your high spirited North American republic.

GEORGE THOMPSON, the devoted friend of the slave, is lecturing in Scotland with undiminished ardor-increased, if that were possible. He has lately replied to Prof. Stowe's calumnies. The reader is referred to the Emancipator for April 6, 1837.


The first session of the 24th Congress honored the right of petition in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, by the early appointment of a Committee headed by Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina, to which all papers touching the a itating subject were to be referred, and which was to remain stagnant as a sink till the end of the session, when it was to overflow with such tremendous force, as to put abolitionism forever at rest. In due time the grand disgorgement took place in the shape of Mr. Pinckney's report. The whole of it was water spilt upon the ground. We are inclined to think few persons took the trouble to read it, and those who did, found in it no reason why they should not again pe ition Congress to "establish justice" in the territory which lies under its "exclusive legislation." But in the following resolution appended to the report, (and passed, ayes 117, noes 68,) every honest freeman found a reason why he should petition.

"Resolved, that all Petitions, Memorials, Resolutions and Propositions, relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of Slavery, shall without being either printed or referred, be laid on the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon."

Nothing could have been less soothing to the spirit of abolitionism. There were men ready to ask the 24th Congress how long it intended to persist in this outrageous violation of the Constitution. Petitions were again poured in at the opening of the second session. The speaker of the House of Representatives, either because he had too much conscience, or because his party was in need of abolition votes, decided that the resolution of Mr. Pinckney applied only to the session in which it was passed. On the 18th of January the same infamous resolution, without any material alteration, was brought up by Mr. Hawes of Kentucky,

and driven through by the beetle and wedge process of the previous question. (Ayes 129, noes 69.). Such was the fate of 110,000 petitioners, praying for the mere naked "inalienable rights" of man in the common capital of this free country!

It hardly need be said that this resolution tramples on the Constitution. That instrument ordains that the right of petition shall not be abridged. Yet the House of Representatives have resolved that on one subject, confessedly within their power, they will hear nothing from the people, no matter how great the number, even if a majority were to petition.

The Hon. John Quincy Adams has well earned the thanks of the human race by his firm and manful opposition to this usurpation of the spirit of Slavery. Neither threats of assassination nor the more dreadful enginery of scoffs and sneers have driven him from his post. The question raised by him, whether a petition from slaves came within the scope of the gagging resolution, opened the hearts of the slaveholders, and showed on what terms we are permitted to live and breathe by our southern masters. Freemen will not fail to be edified, and to learn the value of that "dignity," which the House, by a solemn vote, affirmed would be impaired by listening to the petition of a slave.

The state of Massachusetts has nobly stocd by Mr. Adams and his colleagues. Her legislature has spoken out in a firm voice against the usurpation of Congress; and it deserves to be remembered that her Senate passed unanimously a resolution declaring the right of Congress to abolish Slavery and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia, and asserting that the early exercise of the right is de manded by the opinion of an enlightened world and by humanity. This, with the noble message of Gov. Ritner of Pennsylvania, cannot but rejoice the heart of every friend of the slave.


A practical treatise on THE LAW OF SLAVERY; being a compilation of all the decisions made on that subject, in the several courts of the United States, and state courts. With copious notes and references to the statutes and other authcrities, systematically arranged. By JACOB D. WHEELER, ESQ. COUNSELLOR AT LAW. New York, Allan Pollock, jr.; New Orleans, Benjamin Levy; 1837. pp. 476. Price $5 00.

The public is here presented with a flood of judgments in which justice seldom gets her nose above the surface. The book will be useful to abolitionists as well as slaveholders.

THE NARRATIVE OF CHARLES BALL. Just published, a new edition of this most interesting work, by John S. Taylor, Brick Church Chapel, New York, and for sale at the Anti-Slavery Office. Price $1.25. [See review in our first volume, page 375; and cover of the present number.] This work will outlive slavery, by a whole eternity.

THE SLAVE, OR MEMOIRS OF ARCHY MOORE. Boston, John H. Eastburn, Printer, 1836. 2 vols. 12 mo. pp. 170 each. Price $1 25.

This is stubborn truth in the dress of fiction. Those who are not troubled with hearts and consciences will think it a foolish book. But, whoever else treats it as a mere fiction, slaveholders will not.

south of the Potomac, will rever be able to perceive things precisely as they present themselves to my vision, or to comprehend the spirit that prevails in a country where the population is divided into three separate classes. Those will fall into great error who shall imagine that in Carolina and Georgia there are but two orders of men; and that the artificial distinctions of society have only classified the people into white and black, freemen and slaves. It is true, that the distinctions of color are the most cbvious, and present themselves more readily than any others to the inspection of a stranger; but he who will take time to examine into the fundamental organization of society, in the cotton planting region, will easily discover that there is a third order of men located there, little known to the world, but who, nevertheless, hold a separate station, occupying a place of their own, and who do not come into direct contrast with either the master or the slave.

"The white man, who has no property, no possession, and no education, ir, in Carolina, in a condition no better than that to which the slave has been reduced; except only that he is master of his own person, and of his own time, and may, if he chooses, emigrate and transfer himself to a country where he can better his circumstances, whilst the slave is bourd, by invisible chains, to the plantation on which his master may think proper to place him.

"In my opinion, there is no order of men in any part of the United States, with which I have any acquaintance, who are in a more debased and humiliated state of moral servitude, than are those white people who inhabit that part of the southern country where the landed property is all, or nearly all, held bv the great planters. Many of these white people live in wretched ce bine, not half so good as the houses which judicious planters provide for their slaves. Some of these cabins of the white men are made of mere sticks, or small poles notched, or rather thatched together, and filled in with mud, mixed with the leaves, or shats, as they are termed, of the pine tree. Some fix their residence far in the pine forest, and gain a scanty subsistence by notching the trees and gathering the turpentine; others are seated upon scme poor and worthless point of land, near the margin of a river or creek, and draw a precarious livelihood from the water, and the badly cultivated garden that surrounds or adjoins the dwelling.

"These people do not cccupy the place held in the North by the respectable and useful class of day laborers, who constitute so considerable a portion of the numerical population of the country:

"In the South these white cottagers are never employed to work on the plantations for wages. Two things forbid this. The white man, however pcor and necessitous he may be, is too proud to go to work in the same field with the negro slaves by his side; and the owner of the slaves is not willing to permit white men, of the lowest order, to come amongst them, lest the morals of the negroes should be corrupted, and illicit traffic should be carried on to the detriment of the master.

"The slaves generally believe that however miserable they may be, in their servile station, it is nevertheless preferable to the degraded existence of these poor white people. This sentiment is cherished by the slaves, and encouraged by their masters, who fancy that they subserve their own interests in promoting an opinion amongst the negroes, that they are better off in the world than are many white persons who are free, and have to sul mit to the burthen of taking care of, and providing for themselves.

"I never could learn or understand how, or by what means, these poor cottagers came to be settled in Carolina. They are a separate and distinct race of men from the planters, and appear to have nothing in common with them. If it were possible for any people to occupy a grade in human society below that of the slaves on the cotton plantations, certainly the station would be filled by these white families, who cannot be said to possess any thing in the shape of property. The contempt in which they are held, and the contumely with which they are treated by the great planters, to be compreherded must be seen.

"These observations are applicable in their fullest extent, only to the lower parts of Georgia and Carolira, and to country places. In the upper country, where slaves are not so numercus, and where less of cotton and more of grain is cultivated, there is not so great a difference between the white man, who folds slaves and a plantation, and another white man who has neither slaves nor plantation. In the towns also, more especially in Charleston and Savannah, where the number of white men who have no slaves is very great, they are able, from their very numbers, to constitute a moral force sufficiently powerful to give them ecme degree of weight in the community.


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