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The peculiar pressure of the times has constrained the Executive Committee so much to curtail the edition of the Fourth Annual Report, that we have thought best to insert the body of it in this number of the Magazine. By this arrangement a number of valuable communications have been necessarily deferred, for which we beg the indulgence of the writers, and the patience of our readers. Subscribers are respectfully requested to renew their subscriptions for the third volume, by the payment of ONE DOLLAR in advance.


[From Wheeler's "Law of Slavery."]

Liabilities for Maltreating Slaves.

RICHARDSON V. DUKES. January T. 1837. 4 McCord's Rep. 156; S. P. WALLIS v. FRAZIER, 2 N. & M'C. 516.

Trespass for killing the plaintiff's slave. It appeared the slave was stealing potatoes from a bank near the defendant's house. The defendant fired upon him a gun loaded with buck shot, and killed him. The jury found a verdict for plaintiff for one dollar. Motion for a new trial.

The Court. Nott, J., held, there must be a new trial; that the jury ought to have given the plaintiff the value of the slave. That if the jury were of opinion the slave was of a bad character, some deduction from the usual price ought to be made, but the plaintiff was certainly entitled to his actual damage for killing his slave. Where property is in question, the value of the article, as nearly as it can be ascertained, furnishes a rule from which they are not at liberty to depart. The rule does not apply to actions sounding in damages merely, as slander, &c.; there the jury are left in a great measure without any control as to the


WITSELL V. EARNEST AND PARKER. January T. 1818. 1 Nott & M'Cord's Rep. 182.

The defendants went to the plantation of Mrs. Witsell for the purpose of hunt


Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine.

No. VIII-For July, 1837.

WHY have all the additions to the original territory of the United States been for the increase of slavery and the slave representation? Why are we likely still to receive additions to the slave-holding territory, while we are in danger of suffering subtraction from the free? Because tyrants are abroad and the friends of freedom are asleep. The "free states" are about to be chained, not because they have not the constitutional and the numerical power to circumscribe slavery, and stop the intestine motions by which it grows, but because they have not the will. It is a thing called "northern enterprise," of which we are prouder than we have good reason to be, which nurses the system of labor peculiar to the South, and continues to profit by the cow-hide currency in which southern capitalists pay their laborers.

The annexation of Texas can be prevented only by the immediate rallying against it of the whole North. There will hardly be one vote to exclude it south of the Potomac and Ohio. Its admission to the Union will give to slaveholders the power to carry any measure in the federal Congress, which they may think expedient for the stability of their "domestic institutions,"--and to gain this very advantage they encouraged the insurrectionary war. It simply remains to be seen whether there is virtue enough at the North to abstain from the consummation of this splendid piece of robbery-liberty enough to spurn this gilded yoke,

Let it be remembered that a beautiful system, born of the necessities of slavery, and denominated Lynch Law, stands justified at the South by high authorities, both ecclesiastical and legal. It was a mode of the sovereign white people's

action, supplementary to the laws. By a reinforcement of the laws against freedom of thought, however, the southern states are seeking to dispense with the aid of a supplement which is confessedly, in many cases, of awkward application. What will hinder them, when by the annexation of Texas they have secured a southern majority in the federal legislature, and bribed half the North into the bargain, from crushing the very life of liberty throughout the entire republic, in the Anaconda coils of our idolized Union? It requires no gift of prophecy to foretell, that after the slaveholding South is made a third larger, whosoever shall presume, even among the granite hills of New Hampshire, or the pines of the Penobscot, to question the justice of slavery, in an "agitating" way, will receive at the hands of a United States' Judge the same sort of justice that Amos Dresser received from a Lynch Committee at Nashville.

Let it be remembered too, that a northern President, paving the way to this result, has pledged himself to act with the South while in the minority, against any national interference with slavery, however constitutional it may be. Is it to be supposed that he will strive to hinder the South from getting the majority? Is it to be supposed that he will oppose the acquisition of Texas, who, with the chains of two and a half millions clanking in his ears, and the stars of seven new slave states staining the banner above his head, had the hardihood to declare, in his Inaugural Address, “with our increase has gone hand in hand the progress of just principles: the privileges, civil and religious, of the humblest individual are still sacredly protected"? No.

If our nation is saved, it must be done by a rallying of the North before the first of September. Let it be distinctly stated to the slaveholders that, if they will grasp Texas, they may have their plunder, their Mexican war, and their "peculiar institutions," to themselves.

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